Charlemagne, or Charles the Great, Duke of Brabant, King of
France, and Emperor of the Romans, dyed 814. == Hildegardisis, dau. of
                                             |  Childebrand Duke of Swabia.
  Pipin, second son, King of Italy, dyed
  vita patris 810 == Adeliade, or Plectrude.
    Bernard, only son, proclaimed King of Italy, dyed 818. ==
      Pipin, only son, first Count of Vermandois ==
        Herbert, Count de Vermandois, second son,
        called Count de Perrone, and Abbe de St. Quintin ==
          Herbert, only son, Count de Vermandois,
          and de Troyes == HLDEBRANTE, dau. of Robert, Duke of France,
                        |   Count of Anjou, &c, and afterwards
                        |   King of France.
            Albert, Count Vermandois, first son == GERBERGE, dau. of Gilbert,
                                                |   Duke of Lorrain.
              Herbert, Count de Vermandois, first son,
              dyed 1015 == Ermengarde.
                Otho, second son, succeeded as
                Count de Vermandois == Pavia.
                  Peter, third son ==
  Herbert, only son and heir, Chamberlain to == Emma, dau. of Eudo,
  King William Rufus                         |   Count of Blois, &c,
                                             |   sister of Stephen, Count of
                                             |   Champaigne, father of
                                             |   Stephen, King of England.
    Henry Fitz Herbert, first son == Julian, or Sybil, dau. and heir of
                                   |  Sir Robert Corbet of Alencester, or
                                   |  Alcester, com. Warw.
      (First Wife.)                                |
      Lucy, dau. of Milo, Earl of Hereford, she == Herbert Fitz Herbert,
      brought with her the lordship of Dean      |  only son and heir,
      and other large possessions, com.          |  dyed 1205.
      and other large possessions, com.          |
      Glouces. and Brecon.                       |
        |                                     (Second Wife.)
        Peter Fitz Herbert, second son, == Isabel, dau. and co-heir of
        dyed 1235                       |   William, Baron Braose, and widow
                                        |   of David, son of Llewellyn Prince
                                        |   of Wales.
          Reginald Fitz Herbert, second son == Joan, dau. and co-heir of
                                            |   William de Fortibus, Lord
                                            |   of Chenton, com. Somerset.
            Peter Fitz Reginald, third son ==
              Peter Fitz Herbert, second son == Alice, dau. and heir of
                                             |   Bledesine Brokengreen,
                                             |   Lord of Llan Howel.
                Reginald Fitz Peter, only son, == Alice, dau. and heir of
                seated at Llan Howell           |  Sir Blethin Broadspeare, Kt.
  Adam ap Reginald, only son == Christian, dau. and heir of Gwaring Dess,
                             |   of Gwern Du.
    Jenkin Herbert ap Adam, second == Gwenlian, dau. of Sir Aron ap Reece ap
    son, seated at Gwern Du        |   Bledry, Knight of Rhodes and
                                   |   Lord of Kelsant.
      Gwillem ap Jenken, only son == Gwenlian, dau. of Howel Vachan ap Howel
                                  |   ap Jorwith ap Gwern Du ap Egnion, King
                                  |   of Gwent.
        Thomas ap Guillem ap Jenken, first == Maud, or Mary, dau. and co-heir
        son, seated at Llanfantfraid,      |   of Sir John Morley, Lord of
        1399                               |   Ragland and Chepstow.
          Sir William Herbert, called William ap == Gladys, dau. and heir of
          Thomas, only son and heir, seated at   |   Sir David Gamm, Kt., and
          Ragland Castle, and called by the      |   widow of Sir Roger
          Welsh Margoah Gles, or Gumrhi,         |   Vaughan, Kt.
          made Kt. Banneret, 1415.               |

Sir William Herbert, called William ap == Gladys, dau. and heir of Sir
Thomas, seated at Ragland Castle, and  |   David Gamm, Kt., and
called by the Welsh Margoah            |   widow of Sir Roger Vaughan.Kt.
Gles, or Gumrhi, made                  |
Kt, Banneret 1415                      |
  Sir Richard Herbert, == Margaret, dau. of Thomas ap Griffith
  second son           |   ap Nicholas, and sifter of Sir
                       |   Rice Thomas, K.G.
    Sir Richard Herbert, Kt.,== Ann, dau. of Sir David ap
    second son, seated at    |   Enion ap Llewellin
    Montgomery               |   Vaughan, Kt.
      Edward Herbert, first son == Elizabeth, dau. of Mathew Price,
                                |   of Newtown, com. Montgomery.
        Richard Herbert, first son, == Magdalen, dau. of Sir Richard
        seated at Montgomery        |   Newport, of High Ercall,
        Castle, dyed 1597           |   com. Salop, Knt.,
                                    |   dyed 1627.


            Richard Herbert,       == Magdalen, dau. of Sir Richard
            seated at  Montgomery  |   Newport, of High Ercall,
            Castle, dyed 1597.     |   com. Salop, Knt.
  |                                |               |
  Sir Edward     == Mary, sole     George Herbert  Henry   == Elizabeth, dau.
  Herbert, K.B.  |   da. and heir  first son,      Herbert |   of Sir Robert
  first son,     |   of Sir Wm     Rector of       sixth   |   Offley, of
  Ambassador in  |   Herbert of    Bemerton,       son     |   Dalby, com.
  France, 1619,  |   St. Julian's  dyed 1633.              |   Leicest, Kt.
  created Baron  |   co. Monmouth  s.p.                    |
  Herbert of     |                                         |
  Castle Island, |                --------------------------
  in Ireland,    |                |
  1624, and      |                Henry Herbert    == Ann, dau and
  Baron Herbert  |                son and heir,    |   coheir of
  of Cherbury    |                created Baron    |   Ramsey.
  com. Salop,    |                Herbert of       |
  1629, ob.      |                Cherbury, 1694,  |
  1648, buried   |                dyed, 1709.      |
  at St. Giles   |                                 |
  in the Fields, |                      ------------
  Middx.         |                      |
                 |                      Henry Herbert      == Mary da. of
                 |                      only son and heir     John Wallop
  ----------------                      succeeded as          of Farley,
  |                                     Baron Herbert of      and sister to
  |                                    Cherbury, 1709,        the Earl of
  |                                    ob. s. p. 1738         Portsmouth.
    Richard Herbert,    == Mary, da.
  1st son, succeeded    |   of Sir John
  as Baron Herbert      |   Egerton,
  of Cherbury, &c.  |   Earl of
  1648, died 1655.      |   Bridgewater.
                |                             |                         |
(First Wife.)   |             (Second Wife.)  |                         |
Ann, da. of     == Edward   == Elizabeth      Henry    ==  Catherine,   |
Sir Thos.          Herbert,     da and        Herbert,      da. of      |
and heir of Sir    first son,   coheir of     3rd son,      Francis     |
Wm. Herbert        succeeded    George,       succeeded     Newport,    |
of St. Julian's,   as Baron     Baron         as Baron      Earl of     |
co. Monmouth.      Herbert of   Chandos.      Herbert       Bradford    |
                   Cherbury                   of                        |
                   etc., 1678                 Cherbury,                 |
                   ob. 1691                   1678. ob.                 |
                   s.p.                       1691 s.p.                 |
                                   Florentia,   ==  Richard Herbert,
                                   youngest         seated at Oakly
                                   dau.             Park, com.


Sir William Herbert, called William ap == Gladys, dau. and heir of Sir
Thomas, seated at Ragland Castle, and  |   David Gamm, Kt., and
called by the Welsh Margoah            |   widow of Sir Roger
Gles, or Gumrhi, made                  |   Vaughan, Kt.
Kt. Banneret, 1415.                    |
   Sir William Herbert, K.G., first son, created == Ann, sister of Sir Walter
   Baron Herbert of Chepstow, Ragland, and       |   Devereux, Kt.
   Gower, 1461, Earl of Pembroke, 1468.          |
|                                                        |
Sir George Herbert, Kt., == Jane, dau. of Sir            Ann == John Grey,
third son, seated at St. |   Richard Crofts,                    Lord Powis.
Julian's, com. Monmouth. |   Kt.
  Sir Walter Herbert, only son and heir  == Mary, dau. of Sir William Morgan,
                                         |   of Pencoyd, Kt.
    William Herbert, first son == Jane, dau. and coheir of Edward Griffith,
                               |   of Peryn, com. Cornub.
      Sir William Herbert, first son == Florentia, dau. of William Morgan,
                                     |   of Clautarnan.
         Mary, sole dau. and heir == Sir Edward Herbert, K.B., ambassador
                                     in France, 1619, created Baron Herbert,
                                     of Castle Island, in Ireland,
                                     1624, and Baron Herbert,
                                     1629, ob. 1648, bur.
                                     at St. Giles in
                                     the Fields,


Sir William Herbert, called William ap == Gladys, dau. and heir of Sir
Thomas, seated at Ragland Castle, and  |   David Gamm, Kt., and
called by the Welsh Margoah            |   widow of Sir Roger
Gles, or Gumrhi, made                  |   Vaughan, Kt.
Kt. Banneret, 1415.                    |
   Sir Richard Herbert, second son == Margaret, dau. of Thomas ap Griffith
                                   |   ap Nicholas, and sister of Sir Rice
                                   |   ap Thomas, K.G.
     Sir Richard Herbert, Kt. second son, == Ann, dau. of Sir David ap Enion
     seated at Montgomery.                |   ap Llewellin, Vaughan, Kt.
       Edward Herbert, first son == Elizabeth, dau. of Mathew Price, of
                                 |   Newtown, com. Montgomery.
  |                                                     |
  Mathew Herbert, second    == Ann, dau. and coheir     Charles Herbert == ...
  son, seated at Dolegeiog, |   of Charles Fox, of      third son,      |
  com. Montgomery.          |   Bromfield,com.          seated at Afton |
                            |   Salop.                  Com Montgom.    |
                            |                                           |
-----------------------------           ---------------------------------
|                   (Second Wife)       |
Francis Herbert, == Abigail, dau. of    Sir Edward Herbert, == Margaret, dau
only son.        |   William Garton,    Kt. only son,       |   and coheir of
                 |   of Sussex.         Attorney-Gen. to    |   Sir Thomas
                 |                      King Charles I.,    |   Smith, Knight
                 |                      and dyed 1657.      |
                 |                                          |
Florentia, youngest dau.== Richard Herbert,      Sir Arthur Herbert, first son,
of Richard, Baron       |   second son, seated    Vice-Admiral, created Baron
Herbert of Cherbury.    |   at Oakly Park,        of Torbay and Earl of
                        |   Salop.                Torrington, 1689, ob. s.p.
                        |                         1716.
  |                                           |
  Francis Herbert, == Dorothy, dau. of John   George Herbert == Florentia, dau
  first son, ob.   |   Oldbury of London,     second son.    |   John Newton.
  1719.            |                                         |
                   |                                         |
-------------------------------------------------------  -----
|                                             |       |  |
Henry Arthur Herbert, first == Barbera, sole  Richard |  Francis == Mary, dau
son, created Baron Herbert     dau. and heir  Herbert |  Herbert |   of John
of Cherbury, 1743, and Baron   of Edwd.       2nd son |          |   Baugh.
Powis of Powis Castle, com.    Herbert,       dyed,   |          |
Montgomery, Viscount           brother to Wm. 1754.   |          |
Ludlow, com. Salop,            Herbert, last  Unmarr. |          |
and Earl of Powis,             Marquis of             |          |
com. Montgomery, 1748,         Powis                  |          |
dyed 1772.                                            |          |
                                                      |          |
         ----------------------------------------------          |
         |                                                       |
         Urania == Coleton Fellowes, of                          |
                   Eggesford, com. Devon.                        |
                   |                                |
                   Henry Herbert, ob. s.p.          Folliot Herbert, ob. s.p.


Henry Arthur Herbert created Baron == Barbara    Robert Clive  == Margaret
Herbert of Cherbury, 1743, and     |  sole dau.  K.B. Major-   |  dau. of
Baron Powis of Powis Castle, com.  |  and heir   General in    |  Edmund
Montgomery, Viscount Ludlow, com.  |  of Edw.    the East      |  Nalkelyne
Salop, and Earl of Powis,com.      |  Herbert,   Indies,       |  of Pudtort,
Montgomery, 1748, created Baron    |  bro. to    created Lord  |  com. Wilts.
Herbert, of Cherbury and Ludlow,   |  William    Clive of      |
to hold to him and the heirs male  |  Herbert,   Plassey, in   |
of his body, with remainder to his |  the last   the kingdom   |
brother Richard Herbert, and the   |  Marquis    of Ireland,   |
heir male of his body, and in      |  of Powis.  1762, died    |
default of such issue, to Francis  |             1774          |
Herbert of Ludlow, and the heirs   |                           |
male of his body, died 1772.       |                           |
                                   |                           |
------------------------------------          ------------------
|                        |                    |
George Edward Henry      Henrietta Antonia == Edward Clive, first son, created
Arthur Herbert, .first                     |  Lord Clive of Walcot, com.
son, Earl of Powis,                        |  Salop, 1794, Earl of Powis,
died, unmarried, 1801.                     |  Viscount Clive of Ludlow, Lord
                                           |  Herbert of Cherbury, and Lord
                                           |  Powis of Powis Castle, 1804,
                                           |  died 1839.
Edward Clive, K.G., eldest son, == Lucy Graham, dau  Robert Henry == Harriet,
assumed the name and arms of    |  of James, 3rd     Clive,       |  Baroness
Herbert, succeeded 1839, died   |  Duke of           second son.  |  Windsor
1848.                           |  Montrose, K.G.                 |
                                |                                 |
                                |                                 |
---------------------------------------------------------         |
|           |            |          |                   |         |
Edward      Percy        George     Robert  == Anna     William   |
James       Egerton      Herbert,   Charles |  Maria    Henry     |
Herbert     Herbert,     3rd son,   Herbert |  da. and  Herbert,  |
first son,  second son,  Vicar of   4th son |  heir of  fifth     |
succeeded   Colonel in   Clan, and          |  Edward   son.      |
as Earl of  the army,    Prebend.           |  Cludde,            |
Powis,      Aid-de-      of                 |  of                 |
1848        camp to the  Hereford.          |  Orletos            |
            Queen, C.B.                     |  com.               |
            Officer of                      |  Salop.             |
            the Legion                      |                     |
            of Honour,      -----------------                     |
            Companion       |    ----------------------------------
            of Order of     |    |                      |          |
            St Maurice      |    Robert   == Mary       George    William
            and Lazurus     |    Clive,   |  Selena     Herbert   Windsor
                            |    assumed  |  Louisa     Windsor   Clive,
                            |    name of  |  Bridge-    Clive,    third
                            |    Windsor  |  man, d.    2nd son.  son.
                            |    before   |  of Geo.
                            |    Clive,   |  Augus.
                            |    died     |  Fred.
                            |    1859     |  Henry,
                            |             |  Earl of
                            |             |  Bradford.
                            |             |
-------------------------------------      ------------------
|                 |                 |                       |
Edward William    Graham Cludde     Percy Windsor Herbert   Robert George
Herbert, 1st son. Herbert, 2nd son. 3rd son.                Windsor Clive
                                                            only son.


Sir Edward Herbert, seated at Red == Mary, dau. and heir of Thomas Stanley,
Castle, dyed 1594.                |  of Standon, com. Hertford.
  Sir William Herbert, K.B., first son, == Eleanor, second dau. of
  created Baron Powis 1629, ob. 1655.   |   Henry Percy, Earl of
                                        |   Northumberland.
    Percy Herbert, only son, succeeded as Baron == Elizabeth, dau. of Sir
    Powis 1655, dyed 19th Jan. 1666.            |  Craven, Kt.
      William Herbert, only son, succeeded as Baron == Elizabeth, dau. of
      Powis 1666, created Earl of Powis 1674,       |  Edward Somerset,
      Viscount Montgomery and Marquis of            |  Marquis of Worcester.
      Powis 1687, appointed Lord Chamberlain        |
      to King James II., and                        |
      soon after created Duke                       |
      of Powis, which title                         |
      was never allowed in England,                 |
      dyed 1696.                                    |
William Herbert, only son, restored to the title of == Mary, dau. and heir of
Marquis and Earl of Powis, Viscount Montgomery,     |  Sir Thomas Preston, of
and Baron Powis, of Powis                           |  Furness, com. Lanc.
Castle, sum. by writ, 1722.                         |  Bart.
  |                        |
  William Herbert, first   Edward Herbert, == Henrietta, dau. of James, Earl
  son, succeeded as        second son,     |  of Waldegrave
  Marquis of Powis,        dyed 1734.      |
  dyed, unmar.,                            |
  1748.                                    |
    Barbara, only dau. and heir == Henry Arthur Herbert, Earl of Powis.


Sir Richard Herbert, of Ewyas, 1460 == Margaret, dau. and heir of Sir Mathew
                                    |  Cradock, Kt,
Anne, sister and heir of William == Sir William Herbert, K.G. first son,
Parr, Marquis of Northampton.    |   created Baron Herbert, of Caerdiff,
                                 |   and Earl of Pembroke, 1551, ob. 1569.
|                     (Second wife.)       (Third wife)    |
Henry Herbert, K.G  .== Catherine, dau . == MARY, dau.     |
first son, succeeded    of George, Earl  |   of Sir Hen.   |
as Earl of Pembroke,    of Shrewsbury,   |   Sidney.       |
&c, 1569, ob.       ob. s.p.         |                 |
1601.                                    |   ---------------
                                         |   |
                                         |   Sir Edward Herbert == Mary, dau.
                                         |   seated at Red         Thos.
                                         |   Castle, second        Stanley of
                                         |   son.                  Standon,
                                         |                         Herts.
|----   William Herbert,   == Mary, dau. and
|       K.G. first son,       coheir of
|       succeeded as Earl     Gilbert, Earl of
|       of Pembroke, etc.      Shrewsbury.
|       1601, ob. 1630.
      (First Wife)      |                                 (Second Wife)
       Susan, dau.   == Philip Herbert, K.G., 2nd      == Anne, dau. and
       of Edward,    |  son, created Lord Herbert, of     heir of George,
       Earl of       |  Shurland, and Earl of Mont-       Earl of Cumberland
       Oxford.       |  gomery, 1606, succeeded as        and widow
                     |  Earl of Pembroke, etc. 1630,      of Rich., Earl of
                     |  ob. 1649.                         Dorset, ob. s.p.
  (First Wife)             |                           (Second Wife)
Penelope, dau. and heir == Philip Herbert, 4th son, == Catherine, dau of Sir
of Sir Robert Naunton   |  succeeded as Earl of     |  William Villiers,
and widow of Paul,      |  Pembroke, etc. 1649      |  Bart.
Viscount Banning.       |  ob. 1669.                |
                        |                           |
-------------------------  --------------------------------------------
|                          |                                          |
William Herbert,           Philip Herbert, first  == Henrietta de     |
only son by the first      son by the second wife    Querovaile,      |
wife, succeed. as Earl     succeeded as Earl of      sister to the    |
of Pembroke, etc.,         Pembroke etc., 1674       Duchess of       |
1669, dyed, unmar.         ob. 1683                  Portsmouth       |
8th July, 1674                                       ob. 1728         |
                           Margaret, dau    ==  Thomas Herbert,
                           and heir of Sir  |   K.G. and son,
                           Robert Sawyer,   |   succeeded as Earl
                           of High Clere,   |   Pembroke, etc.
                           com.             |   1683, ob. 1733.
                           Southampton.     |
Henry Herbert, first son, succeeded as Earl of == Mary, dau. of Richard,
of Pembroke, etc. 1733, ob. 1750.              |  Viscount Fitzwilliam.
  Henry Herbert, only son and heir, succeeded as == Elizabeth, dau.of Charles
  Earl of Pembroke, &c, 1750, ob.26th Jan.   |  Spencer,  Duke of
  1794                                           |  Marlborough.
(First Wife.)          |                                      (Second Wife)
Elizabeth, dau. of ==  GEORGE Augustus Herbert, K.G. first == Catherine, dau.
Topham Beauclerk.  |   son, succeeded as Earl of Pembroke  |  of Simon, Count
                   |   1794, dyed 1827.                    |  Woronzow.
                   |                                       |
Robert Henry Herbert, == Princess Octavia   Sidney Herbert, a == Elizabeth, da
first son, succeeded     Spinelli,  dau,    Privy Councillor, |  of Lieut-Gen.
as Earl of Pembroke,     of Duke of         Secretary of      |  Ashe a Court.
1827.                    Lorine, and        State for War,    |
                         widow of Prince    1860.             |
                         de Rubari.                           |
|                             |                       |
Sidney Herbert, second son    George Robert Charles   William Reginald
                              Herbert, first son.     third son.


Thomas Herbert, K.G. == Margaret, dau. and heir of Sir Robert Sawyer,
Earl of Pembroke.    |  Kt. of High Clere, com. Southampton.
  William Herbert, fifth son, == Catherine Elizabeth Tewes.
  Major General, dyed 1756.   |
    Henry Herbert, created, 1780, Lord ==  Elizabeth Alicia Maria, dau. of
    Porchester, and, 1793, Earl of     |   Charles, Earl of Egremont.
    Carnarvon, dyed 3rd June, 1811.    |
      Henry George Herbert,  == Elizabeth Kitty, dau. and heir of Colonel
      Earl of Carnarvon,     |  John Dyke Acland, of Pixton, com.
      dyed 16th April, 1833  |  Somerset, eldest son of Sir Thomas
                             |  Acland, Bart.
        Henry John George == Henrietta Anna, dau. of Lord
        Herbert, Earl of  |  Henry Thomas Molyneux Howard.
        Carnarvon, died   |
        9th Decr. 1849.   |
|                            |              |
Henry Howard Molyneux        Alan Percy     Auberon Edward
Herbert, Earl of Carnarvon   Herbert,       William Herbert,
High Steward of              second         third son.
the University of            son.
Oxford, succeeded 1849.


Sir William Herbert, called by the Welsh == Gladys, dau. and heir of Sir David
Margoah Gles, or Gumrhi.                 |  Gamm and widow of Sir Roger
                                         |  Vaughan.
  Sir Richard Herbert, second son == Ann, dau. of Thomas ap Griffith,
                                  |  ap Nicholas.
    Sir William Herbert, first son, seated == Jane, dau. of Sir William
    at Colebroke.                          |  Griffith, of Penryn, Kt.
      Sir Richard Herbert, only son == Elizabeth, dau. of Sir Weston Brown,
                                    |  of Essex, Kt.
(First Wife.)                 |                             (Second Wife.)
Dyonisia, dau. of Edward   == Sir William Herbert,  == Jane, dau. of Thomas
Agmondisham of Agmondisham |  Sheriff of Monmouth,  |  ap John, of Treoven.
Esq.                       |  4 Eliz. 1561.         |
                           |                        |
----------------------------                        |
|                                                   |
Mathew Herbert, Sheriff of == Ann, dau. of Mathew   Charles Herbert, only
Monmouth, 1581.            | Herbert of Swansey.    son of the second wife,
                           |                        seated at Hadnock. This
                           |                        Branch is extinct.
William Herbert, only son == Catherine, dau. of Sir William Morgan, of
                          |  Tredegar, Kt.
|                   (First Wife.)             |
William Herbert, == Prisecilla, dau. of Sir   John Herbert, == Amy, dau. of
first son.       |  Edw. Pigot, of Laughton,  second son.   |  John Amy, of
                 |  com. Bucks, Kt.                         |  Abergavenny,
                 |                                          |  Esq.
                 |                                          |
----------------------------------                -----------
|                                |                |
Henry Herbert, == Mary,dau. of   William  == ...  Matthew   == Joanna, da. of
first son,     |  James Rudyard  Herbert, |       Herbert   |  John Price, of
seated at      |  of London,     2nd son. |       only son. |  Crickhowell,
Colebroke.     |  Mer.                    |                 |  com. Brecknock
               |                          |                 |  Esq.
               |                          |                 |
----------------               ------------           -------
|            |                 |                      |
Benjamin     Sir James == ...  Eliza-  == Sir Hen.    Thomas Herbert, == Mary
first son,   Herbert,  |       beth       Saugram,    only son,       |  dau of
dyed young.  2nd son.  |       only       of Carmar-  seated first at |  Edward
                       |       child.     than, Kt.   Montomery and   |  Kenney
                       |                              afterwards at   |  of
                       |                              Kilcow in       |  Cullen
                       |                              Ireland.        |  Esq.
                       |                                              |
Judith, sole dau. == Sir John     Edward Herbert, first == Agnes, dau. of
and heir.            Powel, Kt.   son, seated at Kilcow |  Patrick Crosbie of
                                                        |  Tubrid, com Kerry
                                                        |  in Ireland.
Edward Herbert, first son, seated at Kilcow, == Frances, dau. of Nicholas,
and Mucrus, in Ireland.                      |  Visc. Kenmare.
  Thomas Herbert, first son == Ann, dau. of John Marten, of Overbury, com.
                            |  Wigorn, Esq.
    Henry Arthur Herbert, first son == Elizabeth, dau. of Lord George
                                    |  Sackville.
      Charles Herbert == Louisa Middleton.
Henry Arthur Herbert, a Privy Councillor == Mary, dau. of James Balfour, of
                                         |  Whittinghame, N. B.
                      |                       |
                      Henry Arthur.           Charles James.



This Account by Lord Herbert of Cherbury of the Expedition to the Isle of Rhe, A.D. 1627, appears never to have been published in the original English, although a Latin Translation of it was printed, A.D. 1656, by Dr. Timothy Baldwin, Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford.

Expeditio in Ream insulam, Authore Edovardo Domino Herbert, Barone de Cherbury in Anglia, et Castri Insulæ de Kerry in Hibernia, et Pare utriusque Regni. Anno mdcxxx.

Quam publici juris fecit Timotheus Balduinus, L.L. Doctor è Coll. Omn. Anim. apud Oxonienses Socius.

Londini, Prostant apud Humphredum Moseley, ad Insignia Principis in Cæmeterio Paulino, 1656.


The Manuscript is handsomely bound in yellow morocco, stamped alternately with the Rose and Fleur-de-Lys. The Dedication to King Charles is in Lord Herbert's handwriting.

The Manuscript came into my possession about five years ago. It had previously belonged, for about twelve years, to David Laing, Esq., Signet Library, Edinburgh, who purchased it accidentally at a sale in London.

Dr. Baldwin's Translation appears to have been made from a different copy, as in my Manuscript the long Epistle to the Reader is wanting. As this Epistle is referred to in the body of the work, I have inserted the Latin Translation. Again, in the Latin Translation there appears a date, Dabam Castr. de Montgomery, Aug. 10, 1630, at the end of xix the Dedication to King Charles, which is wanting in the Manuscript.

In the Translation also each Chapter has a heading, which is wanting in the Manuscript, although space is left for it.

At the end of the Latin Version is an Index Capitum of nine leaves.

The last paragraph of C. xxxii, This freely interposed judgment.... goodwill, is not in the Translation. In the body of the work occasional passages are omitted by the Translator.

Lord Herbert's Autobiography leaves off about A.D. 1624, and consequently contains no mention of this work.

Sir Henry Wootton refers to this work. This action, as I hear, hath been delivered by a Noble Gentleman of much learning, and active spirits, himself the fitter to do it right; which in truth it greatly xx wanted, having found more honourable censure, even from some of the French writers, than it had generally amongst ourselves at home. Now, because the said work is not yet flowing into the light, I will but sweep the way with a few notes; and these only touching the Duke's own deportment in that Island, the proper subject of my quill.—Reliquiæ, page 226. 1685.

The work appears to have been undertaken by Lord Herbert as a political and literary friend of the Duke of Buckingham, well acquainted with the state of affairs in France from his previous Embassy. He does not appear to have been himself engaged in the Expedition.

Mr. Laing considers that this Manuscript is probably the identical copy presented to the King, as in Chapter 1. the words, Neyther for cause ... Patrimony, are underlined, xxi and in lieu of neyther ... affinity the following words are inserted in a hand which Mr. Laing says is that of King Charles: For no Worldlie Cause he was willing to breake. In lieu of seems abundantly testified, is inserted, To all the World is so well knowen.

The books principally referred to by Lord Herbert are Isnard, Monet the Jesuite, and the Mercure Françcois, vol. xiii.

Arcis Sammartinianæ Obsidio et Fuga Anglorum a Rea Insula, scriptore Jacobo Isnard. Ex Prouin. Prouin. Sen. Par. Adu. 4to. Parisiis, apud Edmundum Martinum, via Jacobæâ, sub sole aureo. mdcxxix
Angle fugat te Scylla, petis quid inane, Charybdim.

Treziesme Tome dv Mercvre Francois, sovs le regne dv Tres Crestien Roy de France et de Nauarre Lovys xiii. 1627 et 1628.
A Paris, Chez Estienne Richer rue S. Iean de Latran a l'Arbre verdoyant: et en sa boutique au Palais sur le Perron Royal vis xxii a vis de la Gallerie des prisonniers. mdcxxix.
Capta Rupecula, Cracina Servata, auspiciis ac ductu Christianissimi Regis et Herois invictissimi Ludovici xiii: descripta utraque ab P. Philiberto Moneto, de Societate Jesu. Lugduni, ex officina Ioannis Pillehotte, sumtibus Ioannis Cassin, et Francisci Pleignard, ad insigne Nominis Iesu. ciCiCcxxx [C indicates a reversed lower-case c]. Ex Privilegio Regio.

Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury, was eldest son of Richard Herbert, of Montgomery Castle, and of Magdalen, daughter of Sir Richard Newport, of High Ercall, in the County of Salop. He was born, 1581.

He says, in his Life, that he was entered at University College, Oxford, when twelve years old.

In the Register of Matriculations of the University his name appears during the time that Dr. Lilley was Vice-Chancellor, July, 1595-1596, and his age is stated to be 14.

He was made a Knight of the xxiii Bath at the Coronation of King James I, 1603, appointed Ambassador to France, 1619, created Lord Herbert of Castle Island, in the Peerage of Ireland, Dec. 31, 1624, and Lord Herbert of Cherbury,in the Peerage of England, May 17, 1629.

He married, 28 Feb. 1598, Mary, daughter and heir of Sir William Herbert, Knight, of St. Julian's, in the County of Monmouth, and had issue Richard, second Lord, Edward, who died unmarried, and Beatrix, who died unmarried.

He was descended from Sir Richard Herbert, brother of Sir William Herbert, first Earl of Pembroke of the first creation, 1468, from whose third son, Sir George Herbert, of St. Julian's, his wife was descended. He died, Aug. 20, 1648, aged 67, and was buried in the Church of St. Giles in the Fields. Notices of his family will be found in Collins' xxiv Peerage, and Banks' Extinct and Dormant Peerages, 1809; and of his works in Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors. There are eleven volumes of his Manuscripts in the library of Jesus Coll. Oxford, an account of which is given in Coxe's Catalogue of All the Manuscripts in the Colleges and Halls at Oxford. Printed at the University Press, 1852, 2 vols. 4to. See vol. II. Jesus Coll. page 24, No. lxxi, lxxii, lxiii.

See also,

All Souls', cclvi, No. 2. Address to Henry VIII. in behalf of the Welch, written in 1536.

Queen's, clvii, 22. My Lord Herbert's paper about the King's Supremacy, shewed to the Arch Bishop of Canterbury by the King's command.

Herbert Pedigree, in handwriting of Nicholas Charles, Lancaster Herald, lxxi.

Balliol, cccxxxvi, 4. Mensa Lubrica Montgom. illustrissimo domino Edw. Baroni de Cherbury.


There is a biographical notice of Lord Herbert in the Library of Corpus Christi Coll., by William Fulman, cccvii, 49.

Lord Herbert's Autobiography was privately printed by Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford, at Strawberry Hill, 1764.

Three subsequent editions were printed.

The second edition was published 1770, and was followed by a third and fourth edition.

An edition was printed at Edinburgh by Bannatyne, in 1809, and in London by Saunders and Otley, 1826.

Several of Lord Herbert's works are printed.

De Veritate, prout distinguitur à Revelatione, a verisimili, a possibili, à falso. Cui operi additi sunt duo alii Tractatus; primus, de Causis Errorum; alter de Religione laici. Unà cum Appendice ad Sacerdotes de Religione Laici; et quibusdam xxvi Poematibus. Paris, 1624, 1633. London, 1645.

This work was translated into French, Paris, 1639:—

De La Veritè, en tant qu'elle est distincte de la Reuelation, du Vray-semblable, du Possible et du Faux.

The third edition is, Reueu et augmentè par le Mesme Auteur; and the dedication, Au Lecteur ingenue, is dated De Nostre Chasteau de Mont-gommery, le 14. d'Octobre, 1637.

De Religione Gentilium, Errorumque apud eos causis. Part I. London, 1645. The whole work, London, 1663. Amsteloedami, Typis Bloeviorum, mdclxiii. Amsteloedami, apud Joannem Wolters, cICICcc.

This work was translated into English by William Lewis, London, 1705:—

The Antient Religion of the Gentiles, and Causes of their Errors consider'd: the Mistakes and Failures of the Heathen xxvii Priests and Wife-Men, in their Notions of the Deity, and Matters of Divine Worship, are Examin'd, with regard to their being altogether destitute of Divine Revelation.

Life and Reign of Henry the Eighth. London, 1649, 1672, 1682.

Occasional Verses of Edward, Lord Herbert, Baron of Cherbery and Castle-Island. Deceased in August, 1648. London, 1665.

Lord Herbert's notes are also noticed in the following works:—

Vie d'Apollonius de Tyane par Philostrate, avec Les Commentaires Donnes en Anglois par Charles Blount sur les deux premiers livres de cet Ouvrage. Le tout traduit en François, 4 vols. Amsterdam, Chez Marc Michel Rey. mdcclxxix.

Avertissement du traducteur, page iv.

Les notes sont en grande partie tirées des papiers de Milord Edouard Herbert de Cherbury, fameux Déiste, d'ailleurs un des plus grands ornements de la Pairie savante.

Dedication to Pope Clement xiv. Nous prenons la liberté de dedier a votre Saintêtè la vie d'Apollonius de Tyane, avec les notes du Baron Herbert, publiées par xxviii Charles Blount, que nous avons traduites en François.

L'Ouvrage que nous venons de publier, le Baron Herbert le fortisie par ses notes.

The two first books of Philostratus, by Charles Blount, gent, were published in folio, London, 1680.

Bayle, in his Dictionary, in the Article upon Apollonius Tyanasus, says of this translator, Il a joint à sa version quantitè de notes fort amples qu'il avait tir*eacute;es pour le plupart des manuscrits du fameux Baron Herbert. C'est le nom d'un grand deiste, s'il en faut croire bien des gens.

For works on the Expedition to the Isle of Rhe, see the Catalogue of the Bibliothèque Imperiale, at Paris; Department des Imprimés, Histoire de France, Tome I., page 563, anno 1626-7. Paris, 1855.




By the Grace of God, Kinge of Great Brittaine,
France and Ireland. Defender
of the Faith.

Most Serene and Powerful monarche,

It pleased my Lorde Duke of Buckingham heretofore to committ unto my charge the composinge and putting into order of certain Commentaries (hastily written) concerninge his Journey to the Isle of Re. This heavy burden, (which I could by no excuse avoyd) beinge at last undertaken by me, his nefarious Death by the Handes of an Assassin did intervene. The loose sheets herupon xxx lay a great while by mee, which, together with their Causes, I should willingly for ever have sacrificed to Privacy and silence. And I would the same mind had happened to the French; and that they had not been so puffed up with their good successes, as to take occasion therupon to wronge the universall honor of this Nation. Their first Bruntes I endured with that patient Minde I coulde; but when one after another appeard still more outrageous and offensive, I knew at last what it was to suffer such insolent and affrontinge dispositions to have their full scope in raylinge. I could not, therefore, any longer permitt that the French should so at their pleasure vilify a Nation which no forraine Power (that ever I could learne) did overcome upon even termes. I will not deny yet but that the inhabitants of Great xxxi Brittaine have received diverse overthrowes; but where, through straits and difficulties of passage, fitt place to shewe their valour was wantinge, or that they were much inferior in number to their Enemies. Here both causes did concurre, although they prevayld not so farre that the victory at the Dike (of which they so much bragge) did (even by the confession of their own Authors) remaine entierly theirs; but least I should bee thought to interrupt the frame and context of the History, by an unseasonable pre-occupation of beleefe, I do submitte it, with all the Humility that is possible, to your Majestie's viewe. It is not indeed as I could wish polishd and set foorth. The rough and unusuall kinde of stile admittes not the old Ornaments of words; yet, since by your Majestie's good leave and favour it comes unto light, may your Majesty xxxii vouchsafe to beholde it (such as it is) with a benigne Aspecte. This seems promisd by your Majestie's innate and implanted Gentlenes, which I should celebrate with many Prayses, did not the greatnes of your Majestie's Minde in a sort forbid me. For while being seated in the middest of all virtues, your Majesty is equally distant from all extremes, your Majesty doth with the same Fortitude despise the Backbiters Language and the Praysers. For as your Majestie is indeed above both, so doth your Majestie as from a Height beholde them, as all other worldly things, placed before you. I will ende, therfore, with a wishe or vowe, that your Majesty may always fix yourselfe in that degree or state as may be out of the Power of Flattery to rayse, or Slander to depresse, or Envy to turn aside. This Elogium or Character not given xxxiii heretherunto to any mortall Creature, that it may agree to your Majesty only, is the prayer of

Your most serene Majestie's

    Most humble and most
    obedient subject and


[Latin sections not transcribed.]



Chap. I.

The yeare of our Lord 1625 was now current, when the inhabitants of Great Brittaine had longe injoyed a flourishinge and firme peace; this happines that it might be conserved entier, after our Queene Elizabethe, the most serene Kinge James maintained frendship with all their neighbours, and that not in name and word only, but so as their actions might ever exceede the Professions of their good will. Hence, by the means of that Heroina, Henry ivth was made capable 2 of the French kingdome and the Low-cuntrey States of Liberty; so little could Envy or Suspition prevaile against eyther forme of Government, when ready occasion of performinge promise was given. Neyther did this Piety continue for one Age onely; for, those two Princes beinge dead, the most serene Kinge James did many-wayes assiste Lewis xiiith in the midst of his civill broyles and dissensions, wherof my selfe beinge Ambassador in France can render no vulgar Testimony. The Low-cuntreymen also by his favour were first established, and after, by magnificent and solemne Ambassages, acknoledgd as people asserted to the quality of free states. But not to his Neighbours only, but to forraine and remote Potentates, did this most milde disposition of Kinge James at length inlarge itselfe. Therfore he made a league with the house of 3 Austria, for noe Wordlie Cause he was willing to breake which neyther for cause of affinity [King Charles' amendment: for noe Wordlie Cause he was willing to breake], or pretence of Relligion and common profitt hee would breake. This seemes abundantly testified [King Charles's amendment: to all the World is so well knowen] by the miserable condition of his sonne-in-law, who being expulsed from a kingdome, not sought, but offered, did togeather loose his Patrimony. But [King Charles's amendment: That] there is no Neede that I should particularly sett doune those thinges which are vulgarly spoken; lett it suffice to the Cristian world that this most indulgent Kinge had nothinge more in recommendation then that peace might bee kept evrywhere solid and entier. Beinge thus made Arbiter of Europe, he seemed equally to have obliged to him all the cheefe Princes therof; wherfore hee did not without good reason hope that those benefits, which with out him 4 they could not have received, they would (when occasion was) restore againe and requite. But beinge frustrate in this expectation, hee at last knewe that nothinge doth sooner grow old and decay then good turnes. It came to passe so, that by intreaties and admonitions alone Hee could neyther restore his sonne-in-law and grandchildren into their hereditary right, nor sufficiently defende the reformed Relligion in France, which at that time was vehemently impugned. So little could any equity of cause prevaile with them betweene whom and the attaininge their desires it heretofore stood. Beinge shortly after taken up into Heaven, Hee lefte his sonne Charles, together with his kingdome, a troubled and perplexd condition of affaires. This Prince now takinge in hand the Scepter, not as one slow or lingringe, but quicke and fearelesse, 5 resolves a warre, newe causes beinge too much evry day offerd. For whether the Palatine (who together with his most worthy Consort and innocent children was proscribed, disinherited, and expulsd) or those of the Relligion in France (who by agreement were delivered into His Protection) were taken into consideration, not a just only, but important occasion of takinge armes was presented. In the meane while, as there wanted not some amongst us who persuaded the undertakinge of both these warres at once, so there were others likewise by whom neyther of the said warres (though out of a diverse respecte) was approved. They who brought the Busines of Germany into agitation did indeed conserte the Cause most just; but with all objected the distance of the place, farre secluded from all navigation, the little union and consent betwixt the reformed 6 Princes in Germany, and the excessive charges required for raisinge and transportinge an army thither. They who spake of the French affaires affirmed, with the Ambassador of Lewis xiiith, that the question was not so much concerninge the overthrowinge the Party of those of the Relligion, as of restraininge their immoderate power; for givinge credit hereunto they produced the frequent and publique Edicts that were made by the sayd Lewis xiiith. Besides they did inforce that the many reciprocall offices of frendship, wich had now for a great while passd betwixt both nations, were not rashly to bee infringd and cast away; that the assistance wee might expect from the French against the Spaniard (whom the last yeare wee had provoked by a fleete sent to Cadiz), and the power of the house of Austria (which everywhere almost did seem 7 to increase), was of more importance than that it should be layd in Ballance with the pretences of fickle and unconstant persons, who did only study their owne ends. In conclusion, that it was much better our Armes were converted to the Palatinate, and the possedant Princes ejected; but that those difficulties were interposed as could by no means bee overcome. For though it were granted that the D. of Saxony (who not longe before had served the Emperour in Lusatia) coulde bee brought into a better minde, and that the heretofore confederate Princes in Germany would thereupon re-assume their antient union: though wee had gott together vast sommes of Monney, and theruppon would rayse an huge army, from what quarter of the world yet could we convey it thither, how should wee send supplies. That the correspondence betwixt Islanders and 8 those who inhabit the middle of the Continent hath never beene so prosperous, there wantinge that communis terminus which should conjoyne and linke them togeather. That it were better to send forces to the Moluccas than to a Province so farre remote from all Ports, that when an Enemy would not oppose, not so much as a frend would willingly admitt a Passage through his Territories. What in the mean while might bee hoped from the assistance of those little united Princes in Germany did sufficiently appeare: wherfore that we should not so much consider what ought as what might bee done. That counsailes must be proportioned alwayes accordinge to the power and force that must execute them. Therfore, that the warre, which could not without inconvenience bee made in Germany, should be transferd to France. There 9 that just cause was neyther wantinge, nor perchance good Havens and Frends would bee defective; besides that for performing herof so vast expenses were not required. More over that it might so fall out as our expedition thither might have its conclusion in a confederacy for a joynt unitinge our Forces to recover the Palatinate. It beinge no new thinge that Armes should evince what reason cannot, and that by stronge Hande rather than reason stiffe-necked and stubborne dispositions should be reduced and rectified. The cause of warre beinge herupon debated, some were judged impellent only, others altogether necessary. Amonge those of the former sort, the disaffection, yf not perversenes, of the French (when there was question of recovery of the Palatinate), was thought fitt not to bee passd over and dissembled; since in this 10 most important affaire, by actinge the part somtimes of slacke frends, and otherwhiles of lurkinge Enemies, they had overthrowne the whole frame of the Busines; yet that it belonged cheefly to the French to restore the Palatine. For though in consideration of Affinity and Matche we seemd most obliged, yet in pointe of Neighbourhood (which amonge Princes hath ever beene accounted of the greatest moment) as-well as gratitude for good turnes received, they more then any other were concernd; that this appeard sufficiently by the succour of men and monney (not yet perchance satisfied) which was sente by the late Palatine of good memory to Henry ivth, when hee was in extreame want of all thinges. That the other was no lesse manifest when they calld to minde how the often irruptions of the Northerne people, and even of the first French, 11 (who gave them their name,) were cheefly made on that side, steepe mountaines or the maine ocean stopping their borderers accesse almost on all other parts. Since therfore the Passage to France was open cheefly from thence, that it had beene much better to have remplaced there an antient and well-deserving confederate, then admitted to that nearnes eyther a knowne Enemy or a doubtfull frend. Yet, least this good turne should perchance redounde to us, they had forborne to give assistance, even where it was most for their owne advantage; with what Ingenuity let them tell who examine thinges as they ought. This at least was not to be concealde, that the miserable estate of the Palatinate ought so much more to be reproched to them then us, by how much more proper and easy it was for them to give remedy. Besides that our 12 intereste (beinge but of blood and Allyance only) seemd private, wheras theirs beinge matter of state and publique good did appertaine even to their whole Nation; that therfore no obscure signes of vehement malignity did appeare herein. Next, it was remembered that our Auxiliary Forces, accorded to Mansfelt, (to whom the French had promised Passage through their Territories) beinge miserably frustrated of their hopes, and so compeld to go for the Low-cuntreys before order could bee taken for their releefe, did through the French-men's fault first loose their way, and after in great part their lives. Together with these motives, which seemed added only for an overcharge, two reall Causes of makinge warre were examined and weighed. The one was, that, in full peace betwixt the two Crownes, about a hundred of our Merchants' 13 shippes, (near Bourdeaux,) without any or at least a sufficient cause, were intercepted, and that not before they had payd for and stowed in their Holdes the wines and commodities of that place, as though it had not beene enough to detaine the shippes, unlesse withall the Chapmen had beene defeated of their Monney. The other tooke his originall from the afflicted condition of the reformed in France; for since in the Peace last made, by the consent of both parts, the most serene Kinge Charles had rendred himselfe Surety for observance therof, they did now earnestly make their supplications to his Majesty that they might bee vindicated from the Injuries, both against the tenor of that Peace, as also the Edicts granted longe since in their favour. More then one cause concurringe, therfore, warre was resolved; my Lord Duke of Buckingham, 14 for that towardlynes by which hee seemd borne and made to all that was extraordinary, beinge chosen cheefe leader. Hereuppon presently there arose no little dispute concerninge proclayming this warre, but arguments on both sides beinge at length discussd, it seemd incongruous that wee should give the French so much Honor, both that by detaininge our Shippes they had first violated the league, as also that our resolution to assiste the reformed (of which they could not be ignorant since the Busines was first agreed) did not seeme so necessaryly tyed to a solemne and circumstantiall proceedinge, when they on the other side had altogeather neclected it. 15

Chap. II.

The next question was what Province of France should bee first attempted. Some gave opinion for the hither, others for the further part; at last it was resolved to undertake some such place in that kingdome as might bee not farre of from Spaine, and for that purpose, together with a puissant Fleete, to send a little army, which, by givinge the Enemy continuall Alarmes and Onsetts, in severall places successively, might first weary and after dispose him the sooner to a Peace. To which ende no Coast seemed more commodious then the Isle of Re, both that it was adjoyning to Rochell (the cheefe strength of those of the Relligion), as also that the passage from thence to Spaine was of no great length or 16 difficulty; for since, with extreme magnanimity, Kinge Charles had at once made warre with both Nations, hee might at that distance both infeste the French and keepe in the Spaniarde: herunto might be added, that the Island, beinge once wonne, was easily to bee kept, as longe as wee were stronger by sea, unlesse perchance, by restoringe it againe, some League for the common good of Cristendome might be entered into. It beinge thus resolved to beginne with Re, present order was taken to leavy souldgers, and make shipps ready. This yet was not performed with such secresy but that it came to the notice of Lewis xiiith. Therfore, longe before our men came, hee caused diverse companies of horse and foote, from sundry parts of that kingdom, to assemble near the coast of Poitou, as Isnard saith. Moreover, pag. 18, he affirmes that 17 the Kinge appointed a Journey thither in person, together with his Brother the Duke of Orleans, having sent before the Duke of Angoulesme and Marillac to prepare whatsoever should bee Needfull; but because almost every where in this Booke there is occasion to meete with this Author, I hold it fittinge to take of some slanders urged in the beginninge of his worke, and to retorte them, least wee should bee thought to acknowledge those which wee do not sufficiently repulse, whereof some are so extremely affrontinge and indefinitely offensive, that with out makinge any difference they are poured out against the whole Nation. That in the meane while his Height and triviall objections, as beinge scarse considerable, or worthy any answere, may bee passed by. That those thinges which concerne the Treaty of Marriage betwixt our 18 most Serene Kinge and Queene, as beinge eyther Secrets of State or domestique affaires, may be remitted to those whom they concerne. I shall at least examine his words, p. 6, where, speakinge of the cause of this warre, hee affirmes that there was no other provocation to anger, no other kindler of dissention, then the antient enmity of the transmarine people against the French, the English-Punique faith, and the ardent desire we had to breake our League. As though it had not been enough for them to have done many such thinges unlesse they had reproched them as beinge done by us. But who will ever taxe the English of ill affection that doth but call to minde what wee have formerly related concerninge Henry ivth, what we can relate concerninge this present Kinge. But hereof sparingly, least we should be thought to upbraid good turnes 19 then which (since man's memory) neyther more opportune nor more important have beene afforded to any. Only we must not passe over in silence that no recompense of benefits in this kinde hathe ever been demanded, or otherwise returned unto us againe. But Isnard imputes to us the Punique Faith; is it perchance that hee would reserve to himselfe the Greeke, πιστον δ' Ελλας οιδεν ουδεν [the Greeks were never faithfull to any] but let him take both for us unless he measure the profitable by the honest; but wee will not contende with Isnard in foule language, though he strive to impose those calumnies on the English as can hardly be repared by any satisfaction. In the mean while, who doth well consider and weigh the above mentiond fraud and deceite will certainly reject upon Isnard and his Countreymen all those markes of injustice 20 which hee would fasten upon us. Finally, Isnard saith that wee had an ardent desire to breake our League. But how slowly, and as it were unwillingly, wee tooke Armes, lett them judge who (out of that which is formerly alleadged) call to mind how not only the League made betwixt us, but even the Law of Nations was first broken and violated on their part. But Isnard containes not himselfe here, and therfore saith the French in England were despised, ill treated, hurt and scornd, that no satisfaction was made for the injuries they received, that damages were not repayed, beinge about 30,000l. or 300,000l., and that there upon in the beginninge of the Month of Novemb. 1626, our shipps beinge about a hundred were detayned at Blaye (neare Bourdeaux) by the D. of Luxenbourg. But unlesse the French may bee thought competent 21 judges in their owne cause, must not all proceeding in this kinde bee injurious, for it doth not suffice to bringe in one grosse and entier summe an account of this nature unlesse it bee verifyed by the particulars; and this is done nowhere by Isnard. Least, not-with-standinge, I should bee thought not to proceede so fairely in this busines, I will confesse ingeniously that before all those thinges above mentiond a French shippe was detained here upon suspition of beinge laden with Spanish goods, at that time when wee were in warre with that Nation. Till, therfore this controversy were decided, no man that understands the Law eyther of Cuntrey or Nations can averre the sayd Detention to bee unjust. But perchance other complaints (as for a shew) may be produced; but since (to speake freely) they are unknowne to mee, the reader 22 must not here expect an answere to them. This expedition beinge now a preparinge, the French authors reporte that this designe upon the Isle of Re was not a little sett forwards by the counsaile and perswasion of Monsieur de Soubize, who havinge received an overthrow in the said Island fledd hither, and having thereupon diverse conferences with the Lord Duke, excited by his means our Soverain's mind to warre, insomuch that by his direction many thinges were undertaken; but that wee may leave those thinges which were done by Soubize to their credit who knowe the truth, it appeard otherwise sufficiently that the advise of Soubize, yf not his promises, operated much in this busines, which yet that they tooke not such effect as might bee expected, the successe of affaires or our commentaries at least seem to manifest. 23

Chap. III.

My Lord Duke of Buckingham havinge gotten together a navy of an hundred sayle, (wherof tenn were royall, the rest merchants' shipps) in goinge first aborde the Admirall at Portsmouth gave warninge of departure. This example, more then any persuasion, prevaild for the acceleratinge of our Souldyers, who for the most part weire rawe and unexpert men; yet with packinge up of bagge and baggage so much time was consumed, that his Excellency was constrained to stay two days longer then he expected. At last meetinge all togeather, and gettinge with much alacrity on Shippborde, the departure was hastned so soone as the tide permitted. The winde was not very favorable; yet 24 occasion therby was given of encountringe with fourteene sayle, wich turninge away faster then became those who would act the parts of frends or Enemies, some of our lesser shippes did pursue. But the terrified commanders plyinge so much the faster away, and together with much diligence lightninge their shippes, at length escaped. It came so to passe that our Fleete beinge divided, and loosinge the sight of each other in the night time, held a diverse course. But havinge at last dubled the poynte of the Promontory of Little Brittaine, they came to the Isle of Re, the latest only arrivinge the next day after. In the mean while wee rann no little danger by cominge in that number upon a coast full of shoales: yett such was the care of our seamen that the shippes havinge safe roade arranged themselves in very good order before the Island, leavinge 25 behinde them some lesser shipps to give advertisment of any occurrence that might happen. This could not longe bee hid from the vigilant Toiras Governor of that Island, who, being timely warned of this expedition, had given order for all thinges requisite for defence, both of it and the citadells therin, which not only the nature of the Place but art had much fortified. If yet wee may give creditt to Isnard, and the Author of the booke called la descente des Anglois, it was beleeved at first our shipps were Dunkerkers, this opinion (it seems) beinge the sooner entertained that certain Low-cuntry merchants had cast anchor neare that shoare; yet the number and flaggs of our shipps cominge at last with in sight, Toiras perceives his error, and therupon puts his men in order. My Lord Duke of Buckingham in the meane while (whose cheefe care was 26 to execute the commission delivered to him accordinge to the stricttest termes therof) thought fitt, for the soundinge of the Rochellers' mind, to send Sir William Beecher to advertise them that the only cause of his cominge thither was to discharge that trust wich in the late made peace was interposed, the rest beinge better knowne then that it should nead the explication of words. Herof therfore, as soone as hee had gott their resolution, that he should presantly returne. Therupon Monsieur de Soubize, brother to the Duke of Rohan, and one of much authority amonge those of his Relligion, was sent unto them: his goinge indeed was under pretext of seinge his mother and sisters there, but really and in effect to induce the Rochellers to his purposes. Sir William Beecher returninge now againe in his company was not sleighted as before, 27 but curteously used, and received into their senate, where, in a longe oration, he did inculcate all those thinges which might satisfy the Rochellers that the onely cause of my Lord Duke of Buckingham's cominge was to vindicate those of the Relligion from the injuries they had received, and to restore them to the right which formerly (under the Benefitt of their Edicts) they had enjoyed. Upon these termes, yf wee were welcome, that they should presantly declare themselves; yf otherwise, that there wanted not just occasion to employ our armes elsewhere. The Rochellers minds beinge herewith somewhat setled, it was agreed amongst themselves to assist us with some forces, there beinge indeede such an oportunity offerd that not so much as the dullest amongst them but did desire to embrace it. Least in the meane while my Lord Duke 28 of Buckingham should over hastily undertake any thinge, they sent a messenger backe to exhorte his Excellency to undertake nothinge till Soubize with some auxiliary forces were joyned with him. But my Lord Duke of Buckingham (to whom all delay was more hurtfull then that it could bee repared by these meanes) answered that hee could do no lesse indeede then congratulate the forwardnes of their minds, yet that hee was able to do allways his Master's businesse with his Master's forces. The strayinge shipps were come by this time; my Lord Duke of Buckingham therfore gives order (with out further delay) for the landinge of the souldyers. Wherupon Sir Jhon Burrowghes, and Sir Alexander Brett, together with some veterans, did (though not without military emulation) first take lande; Sir Edward Conway and Sir Charles Rich following presently 29 after, did call together like wise and sett forward their souldyers. But some whom the sea and a tedious passage had made sicke, takinge their armes more slowly then was requisite, others againe beinge transported with eagernes to fight, and consequently landinge without any order, gave my Lord Duke of Buckingham much occasion to go to and fro: beinge carried therfore in his Barge, and commendinge some as well as checkinge others, he desires them in generall to shew themselves the worthy Progeny of their brave ancestors. A promontory, calld by the name of Samblanceau, (extended into sea aboute one thousand paces,) and havinge a resonable good roade on eyther side, seemd to offer us a convenient landinge place; but while all thinges were done in confusion and tumult there was no time to put the souldyers in order. This 30 beinge related by one of the French Sentinells they thought good not to delay the fight any longer. To this end some choyse bands of horse and foote (longe before prepard) lay behinde certaine sand hills expectinge a signall from Toiras (which was the lettinge fall of his handkerchiffe) to beginne the fight. This beinge now given, the horse (beinge divided into seven troopes) beganne to charge, whom all their foote companys were presantly to seconde. They indeed beinge induced with very great hopes and promises, did bravly charge our men; the English, on the other side, to whom (after their tossinge in the shipps) noe ground seemd Terra firma enough, (espetially such as was only loose dust and quicksand,) put all their confidence in cumminge close up to, and joyninge battell with the ffrench troopes, wherupon a sharpe and 31 doutfull fight did ensue on eyther part, neyther did it appeare for a good while who had the advantage, for all the French army fallinge on together, our foote alone (there beinge no time to land our horse) were obliged to the resistance of their entiere forces, who fought desperatly for their honor and countrey. This unequall fight yet had so good a conclusion that almost all the French horse were eyther killd or taken Prisoners. Isnard confesseth, in his 36 page, that tenn or scarce tenn did retorne from the first onsett. But, saith hee, that they might give on againe; the second charge therfore beinge made, it seemes probable that one or scarce one did escape us. The French foote havinge lost many, and at last being wholly routed, did runn away faster then it was possible for us to followe: for since our horse were not yet landed, and the foote 32 much tyred and wearied with their longe navigation (and besides night did now drawe on) our men tooke that time to make themselves lodginges on the shoare that the Frenchmen imployde in flyinge away to the tounes and stronge places adjoyninge. There is some controversy concerninge the number, not of the courage of the French-men, for that they were valiant and only inferiour unto us wee shall without difficulty confesse. Isnard sayth, in his 33 page, that 200 horse and eight hundred foote were present. But as the horse were of that kind whom the ffrench call Maistres, so we beleave that each of them (accordinge to their moderne custome and that they used in Cæsar's time) had two servants at least to accompany them; wee doute not also, but besides the intyre Regiment of Champagne, that many volonteires and inhabitants of that 33 Island did serve under Toiras at this time. If, therfore, the french writers strive to conceale the greatnes of their forces here, it can bee out of no other reason, but that the deminishinge somthinge of their owne numbers would abate so much of our glorie, yet because they doe not envy us the name of victory, neyther lett them envy this, that it was too bloody eaven in our opinion, it beinge the purpose of my Lord Duke of Buckingham not so much to destroy as to chastise the Frenchmen. They that were of their part (as men of great note) are thus recounted by Isnard. Restinglieres the brother of Toyras, the Barron of Chantaile, Novailles, Causes, la Landes, le Tablier, Bussac the sonne, Montaigne, Sauvigny, Heurtebie, other noble-men and light horse lx in number, as also CL foote: Baranfac, beinge attainted with the shott of a great peece, died 34 3 dayes after. Of the regiment of Champagne were killed Boissomier, Condamines, Captaines; Tertre, a lievetenant; la Bastie, Ensigne; Maurillan and la Bavue, beinge hurt, dyed with in a few dayes after. Breefly, no Commander, or any other of quallity, escaped with out greater or lesser hurte. Thus farr Isnard, pag. 37 and 38. In which, least that their should bee any thinge which might amuse the reader, I have thought fitt to note that Isnard (who followes evrywhere the credit of that Booke, who hath his title, la descente des Anglois) doth call them Ferentarij, which by that author are termed Chevaux Legers, and by Cæsar and other allowed writers Celeres; but the reader may, yf hee please, in the Epistle see my opinion concerninge Ferentarij. Moreover, that which the same author termes Coup de Canon, p. 33, Isnard 35 interprets Tormentarium verber: but lett Isnard see whether the word verber do not signify in the singular number, properly, some longe and smalle instrument, such as a whipp, scourge, leashe, or the like, (concerninge which lett him for mee take the correction of Pedants,) though in the plurall number it bee taken every where as the marks they give. But this by the way, Isnard, and without stripes, now peace is made betwixt both kingdomes. On our part likewise many of no meane accoumpt were loste, diverse also received wounds of which they dyed shortly after, all whose names are here sett doune. Sir Thomas Yorke, Sir William Heidon, Sir Thomas Thornax, Sir George Blunditt, Captaine Courtney, Glinn, Heatly, Powell, Woodhouse, Goringe, Blunditt, and with them sixe leivitenants and Ensignes of the reformed; lickwise amongst us 36 Samblancard was slaine: of our common souldgers about cc. as well by water as the sword perishd, wherof the farre greatest part, while they strived improvidently to leape out of their boates, were intercepted in the sea and dround. This true number of those who perished in this service, accordinge to the relation I had from worthy persons, I thought good to lay doune here, least I should bee thought unjust unto the memory of so well deservinge Persons. Among the hurte which after recovered, Sir Charles Rich, Sir Edward Conway, Cap. Hawly, Greenefeeld, Abraham, Ransford, Welcom, Thorp, Markham, and Bennet are numbred. Wee must not in the meane while passe over in silence that Isnard gives here a false accoumpt: for hee sayth that 5 or 6 hundred of ours were slaine or dround. But it would scarse become him to speake eaven of his 37 owne cuntreymen, it being certaine that not only the place of victory, but the bodyes of those that were killd on eyther part did remaine in our power. But what kinde of man Isnard is wee may gather herby. For whilst in the 33 pag. hee saith that 200 of their horse were at the charge, and after in the 36 pag. (as beinge little mindfull of what hee sayd before) he saith that only tenn Noble-men and sixe light horse were slaine; it remaines that eyther aboutt C and xx horse were taken by us (which no man affirmes) or that hee bee convinced of an untruth. But there is no occasion that the words of so false a person should scandalise us. Let it suffice then that this fellowe doth evermore discover his ill conditions, and that his owne very contradictions do suffitiently destroy one another. 38

Chap. IV.

His Excellency havinge in one and the same day (after a sort) transcended all military degrees, while from a novice in the warres he becomes a victor, and only not a conqueror, commands a counsaile to bee held the next day. By decree wherof, for the rendringe thankes to the God of Hostes, fortifying the shoare, buryinge the dead, landinge the livinge (who from the deckes of their shipps as from a Theater beheld this Fight) carryinge forth of victualls and habilements of warre, 3 whole dayes almost were consumed. For since the Isle of Re was seperated from the Continent of France by a little channell only, and the French army not farre of, it was not thought convenient to proceed 39 hastily until wee were certified what number they had in the Island: Isnard, therfore, deales not ingenuously with us, while he attributes that unto feare which was donne by good advise and counsaile. For what man of understandinge can suppose our 6,000 foote, and one hundred horse, to bee a sufficient number to hazard themselves against the whole forces of France which might be transported into that Island? Or what wise commander would march into an enemies cuntrey without such amunition, victualls, and other provision as might be necessary? Our men, therfore, not without good cause and pollicy of warre, contained themselves untill all thinges requisite for their marchinge forwards were in readines and order. Let not Isnard, therfore, eyther in this or any other kinde, detract from a victory worthy indeed the antient honor of our 40 Nation. Hee must bee very ignorant in the warres who thinks any thinge harder then to land an army where the enemy attends pied firme on the shore. But this language, in such an unexpected and talkative a companion as Isnard, may easily be passd over. While these thinges were doinge, a younge gentleman, with a trumpeter before him, comes to demand, in the name of Toiras, that the bodyes of the slaine might bee restored and buried; who beinge most curteously used (as Isnard himselfe confesseth) was remanded with a gracious answer to his request, and a present of 30 Jacobus. In example wherof to his power Toiras sends backe five English, on whom he bestowed fifty crounes. Monsieur de Ambleville comes shortly after to view the bodyes of his cuntrymen, who, as beinge indeed worthy of much honor, were carried for the most part 41 into the Cittadell of Saint Martin's, and there with all military pompe interred. These thinges beinge performed, my Lord Duke of Buckingham thought fitt to sett forth in the French tongue a well pend manifest, that so he might the better justify the equity of his cause. Notwithstandinge, both Isnard, and before him the Author of the Booke called La descente des Anglois, saith it was written in a transmarine and Northerne style. But Isnard ought to remember the Proverbe, [Greek]. There is no occasion in the meane while that Isnard should thinke so meanly of us, the Northerne aire not so blastinge our cuntrey, but that it enjoyes a kinde of everlastinge Springe; why, therfore, should it not be more gratefull then those Southrene windes, which by Hippocrates are calld, [Greek], 42 and Cicero calls pestiferous? But should I wish Isnard, therfore, his owne ayre? No, not for all his ill language; though I would have him knowe the proverbe of such a malapert tounge as his. Mala in se attrahit, uti Cæcias nubes. The Manifest, togeather with the answer belonginge to it (not ill translated of Isnard) lett them reade for me who have leasure. In the meane while, for the justifyinge our cause, lett it suffice that the reasons sett doune in the beginninge of the Booke doth containe both those and more weighty arguments. Least, therfore, I should bee thought to do after their manner who are said, [Greek], I shall forbeare further troble. This shall not hinder me yet to confesse freely that this expedition was undertaken wholly without my knowledge, and not disclosed before it was fully resolved. 43 How-so-ever, I must not deny that the cause was just; yet so as by the favour of my Lord Duke of Buckingham I should say else where more just, I will not say yet more oportune. Neyther should it have moved mee that lesse motives have heretofore beene causes of great victories. For not alwaies from the past, but present and even future times (bee it spoken in a good hower) judgments are to bee taken where the whole frame of businesses are laid before us. I did, indeed, more than once foretell that which happned, although I will not deny but the undertakinge fell out worse then I could imagine; for though our slender provision for so great an affaire, and other concurringe circumstances, did seeme to promise no great successe, yet that it should prove so dommeageable to those in whose behalfe it was enterprised, did appeare 44 sufficiently by no argument. But as events doe not alwaies answer eyther the counsaile or causes of warre, how-ever warrantable; so perchance, neyther are those of the relligion brought into those straits, but that in the condition they now are, under a favourable Prince, they may bee thought happier then heretofore, (when they made warre at home) and the publike security they nowe enjoy may bee a better protection to them then their owne private. How little part in the meane while I had in this busines will even thus appeare: that I, who was in all the occasions of warre that (from my younger yeares untill my imployment in France) were offerd, did not yet embrace this. It seemd indeed no way suitable for me to drawe my sword against those the acquisition of whose good will and favour was part not only of my late 45 Kinge and Masters commandment, but of my owne particular disposition. This I speake the more confidently that the French are not ignorant what I am, whither they call to minde my actions eyther in their owne state or the low-cuntreys, I am confident they will beleave it was not feare that detained me. It remains that they acknoledge the true cause; neyther will it hinder that I have taken in hand the writinge of this history. For the whole frame therof will sufficiently shew that I do not so much write against their Nation as for ours. Yf in the meane while some thinges may bee judged more bitter then they ought, I do therein eyther followe the credit of my commentaries, or beate doune the insolent affronts of a most injurious Author. 46

Chap. V.

At the same time my Lord Duke of Buckingham did publish his Manifeste he prepared to march into the Island, that so his Armes might maintaine the dignity of his words. His whole forces consisted only of 6,000 foote and 100 horse, unlesse you except those who perished in the late action. These he ranged in seven divisions, of which every one contained almost 900 men, for so both Merc. Fr. tom. xiii, p. 80, and Monet the Jesuite, p. 77, relates. In a round number, therfore, it will amount to our reconing. With this little, and that no choice, army, (for it is certaine that many were but the scumme of our Provinces) my Lord Duke of Buckingham's brave resolution was to invade an Island capable 47 of the whole French Army. Neyther did it affright him, that certaine subtle and suborned spyes affirmed that the whole Island was full of armed souldgers. But wee must first give the description. Not farre from Rochelle the Isle of Re is scituated, beinge divided from the Continent one mile or league only, and 3 from the Isle of Oleron, as Isnard relates, who takes much paines to give it the forme of a horse laid on his backe, yf so bee, sayth hee, wee take away his taile and hinder legges. Bee it so, and lett the Author have the benefitt of his haltinge similitude. But why doth hee not say he was crop-eard too? His curtail ought sure to have his eares cutt as well as taile, yet certainly hee shewes none in his chorography. This, therfore, should not have beene omitted: for there is no question to bee made how good a Farrier he is that joynes 48 the forelegges of his horse unto the body with a bridge, to which, yf wee may beleeve him, la Pointe Blanche gives the hoofe. But least these should troble the reader I have thought fitt to give the Forme of the Island as Isnard himselfe exhibits it. Divert your eies then a little, reader, and behold the prodigious figure. Tollunturque pedes; ubi tandem equimentum? But we dedicate this passage to the recreation of the reader; ffor neyther it becomes me to bee serious in so ridiculous a subject, or Isnard to take that ill that is spoken in merriment, as Plau. in his Amphit. pretily notes. This Island is fruitfull enough of a certaine smalle wine, so that both of this and the yeare before there was found here much plenty. Here also is made great store of salt, wherby it hath diverse villages, in all which my Lord D. of Buckingham placed 49 garrisons to keepe in the Islanders. But whether this halfe-horse plott of Isnard (which he might have said Neptune's angry trident had strucke out of the sea) bee so fruitfull that it is to be reconed amongst the fortunate Islands, may well bee douted of. For those of our men who went forth, eyther to gett timber, corne, fuell, or any forrage besides sower and unripe grapes, and the shreddes of vine stalkes, found little provision; yet to the Marchants of Rochell this Island was of great use, both that they drewe a great revennue thence, as that it was adjacent to them. Therfore they did alwaies defende it with great care. Not-with-standinge, by the meanes of the brave minded and nobly borne Duke of Montmorency, it was two yeares since brought into the subjection of his Kinge, who prudently thought this Island no lesse proper for his 50 purpose. Therfore he caused two Cittadells, neare that coast of the Island which adioynes to the Continent, to bee built. The greater, which had the name of Saint Martin's, was a royall peece, and the lesse, calld De la Pree, was of that moment that some of our antient and well experienced souldgers thought fitt to beginne with it. But the pretenders to my Lord D. of Buckingham's favour (who after so famous a victory would represent nothinge impossible unto him) did on the other side alleadge that the greater beinge tooke in, the lesse would not longe hold out. In this opinion, therfore, the other Colonells, though unwillingly, were concluded; who well consideringe how fitt a place this was to lande the enemy's forces, would have begunne with it first. A messenger from Toiras hastned our departure, (as bringinge word) that he 51 would come and see his Exellency shortly. But because this was thought but a devise to stay and retarde our goinge on, by breake of day my Lord D. of Buckingham leads on his forces. The cannon, therfore, being placed in the Fronte, and his few horse on the winges of his Divisions, and the baggage in the voyde places, our men marched straite to the toune of Saint Marie's, and from thence to la Flotte, where they passed that night with much security, the enemy not so much as stirringe to disturb us. The next day we marched on directly to the toune of Saint Martin's, as being the cheefest of the whole Island; when wee were now not farre of, about C. or Cxx horse did discover themselves, three appearinge a little before the rest; Sir William Cunningham presantly takinge notice herof stepps forth with as many, and in a loud voice challenges any of them to 52 single fight, but they instantly turninge backe withdrew themselves to their fellowes. When my Lord Duke of Buckingham was now neare the Toune the inhabitants hunge out a flagge in token of submission. For the souldgers appoynted to defend this place beinge suddainly amazed at the sight of our men fledd to the Cittadell. The tounsmen sayd that they were neare 4,000, and quartred ther with that intention, that they should defend the place. This seemed confirmed by some works they had latly cast up, for the gardinge of which twenty iron peeces which wee found in the toune were provided. It seemd strange to my Lord D. of Buckingham that a place capable of so great a garrison was so soon yeelded up to him. But he remembred therupon that it was the antient manner of the French to bee eyther too forward or too slacke, 53 feare drawinge them as many degrees backward as temerity brought them on. My Lord D. of Buckingham havinge got this towne with the Ordenance, tooke all care possible for the security of the dwellers there. This fell out so prosperously, that they confessd to have received lesse harme in the space of 3 monthes that our men stayd there, then in a few days from their owne cuntrey-men. A little before, Soubise, accompanyed with a smalle troope, came thither to congratulate my Lord D. of Buckingham's victory. They were indeed valiant, but in number farre shorte of their promises. But because my Lord D. of Buckingham thought a peace might so much the sooner bee affected, they were welcomer so then in whole regiments. There came also some Noblemen shortly after, (and as all the French almost of that sorte are,) men of courage, 54 but so few that they little advanced our busines. But it is time to give a description of the Cittadell of Saint Martin's.

Chap. VI.

The Cittadell (saith Isnard, p. 64) beinge of a quadrate figure, with equall sides and angles, contained every way lxxx fadome; yet in the next place he saith that the sides of the Citadell or Square, ordinarily calld Curtines, from one Bastion to the other, or right angle of the winges, did containe xlv fadome. But these thinges seeme not to cohere; for yf the 4 sides every way containe lxxx fadome, how can xlv describe any of them? must not either the whole be greater or parts lesse? These thinges, therfore, must 55 bee attributed to the unskilfulnes of Isnard, which in all military affaires doth sufficiently discover itselfe, unlesse perchance while hee speakes of his Orgya or fadome, you would say hee sacrifysd to Bacchus his Orgia. But not in one place only, while hee delineats the Cittadell, doth the grosse ignorance of Isnard manifest itselfe; also he useth the phrase of Materiarius Lapis, page 65, although no good author understands by Materia, in this kinde, any thinge but woode, and yet not fier woode, but timber. But least wee should troble the reader with these excursions, wee will propose the description of the Cittadell in the forme in which it did exhibite it selfe to our viewe. The Cittadell being of a quadrate rectangular figure in it selfe and at the poyntes enlarged forth, with 4 Bastions or Bulwarks of a kinde of triquettrall forme, and 56 compassed on every side with a deepe dich (but where the sea did wash it), did containe so much space betwixt evry Bastion, as a Muscheteir can shoote pointe blanke; at the furthest end wherof, eyther Casemattes, or at least the places where they are usually made for coveringe their shotte, gave them the advantage of flankinge their workes; these Bastions, which had the name of the Kinge, Queene, of Toiras and of Antioch, were of that greatnes or capacity as to receive some Regiments; on the toppe wherof a Parapet beinge made and fenced with basketts of earth, did defend the souldgers from our shotte. At the Bottome of the Rampier (which was raised a great height), and near the dich, a false Braye compassinge the Cittadell was an other defence to hinder our passinge. On the outside wherof a Counterscarpe also was placed betwixt us and our 57 approches to the Cittadell, which was so much the stronger that it was defended not only by it selfe but the Flanks of the Cittadell. Beyonde all this againe, in Paralell Lines to the Bastion, certaine out works (in the forme of an halfe moone) were raysed, into which they might retire themselves when they were pressed by our men, betweene the spaces of which certaine Rivelins were raysed, all which beinge compassed with their ditches, stored with great ordenance, and some where mined, did much strengthen the Cittadell; which that it was a royall fortification, and not finished in lesse then xiii monthes, and such in conclusion as might bee thought stronge enough both against our and the Rochellers' forces, Isnard himselfe doth confesse [Pp. 29. 61]. Herunto was added great store of Ammunition, as powder, match, bullets, 58 et. cet. and victualls for many Months, and lastly a choice Garrison, consistinge of 3,000 souldgers, over whom Toiras (a valiant Person) did command. Let the reader then, yf he please, take this description of the Cittadell in good part, wherin what I have done lest those who are competent Judges censure. This at least I must desire, that eyther they would agree concerninge these or other apter termes yf any may bee found; forr while they who have taken paines in this kinde, have been for the most part ignorant of the warre, I have observed them not only various in their descriptions, but much mistaken in them. The miserable readers being perplexd herewith do, for the most part, attribute this diversity of stile to some diversity in fortifications, whereas perchance the difference is only in the writer's expression. How much in the meane while may be attributed 59 to those lerned men, Hu. Grotius, Herman, Hugo Dan. Heinsius, I doe well understand; yet because they (not sufficiently enough) for the dignity of the Argument agree herin I continue my former Opinion. The investinge this stronge place (so neare the coast of France, that one might even discerne that numerous Army they had leavied) was yet resolved by my Lord D. of Buckingham with his little forces. A counsaile in the meane while beinge calld, it was debated a while whether by force and armes or famishinge and want the busines should bee undertaken. They who were of the former opinion did alleadge that the French had so lost their courage in the late overthrowe, that, befor they could recover it againe, they might bee forced; that an assault might bee the more easily given, since the further part of the Cittadell was not 60 yet finished (yf we might beleave some who pretended to knowe it); before, therfore, they could put it in defence, or that succors might come to them, that the Cittadell might bee taken. On the other side it was objected that no enemy was so poorly spirited but that they would defende themselves in a fortified place; that the Cittadell was stronger then to bee taken thus; that this appeard sufficiently by the halfe moones and outworkes before it, which alone might keepe us from enterprisinge the further part of the Cittadelle; that eyther, therfore, wee should pillage the more hostile parts of the Island, and from thence go to ——, or to make a circumvallation with good trenches and redoutes; yet that there was danger here, least while hee fought to inclose them hee might be inclosed himselfe by the French Army. Not-with-standinge that hee 61 needed so much lesse to apprehend this, yf the seamen did but their duty as they promised, this latter opinion prevaild with my Lord D. of Buckingham, both because certaine runnawayes had informd my Lord Duke that the French were scanted of victualls, as also that his gentle disposition inclined rather to make the French sensible of their owne errors then his Punishment; and the rather that they were a Nation out of whose regall Stocke the Kinge his Master had latly taken a Queene of most gracious condition and virtuous behaviour. But of these considerations, therfore, hee beganne a circumvallation, altogether unknowne to the antient, that is to say, both by sea and land, the outward part wherof was committed to certaine of our great Shipps, which in good order did almost compasse the Island. The inner gyrte was made with a dike towards 62 that part which was next the enemy, havinge redoubts at convenient distances. There were also diverse Batteries raisd with Gabions to defend the ordinance. These were so disposed, that, as from a higher place, they might beate both the enemies workes, and keepe Shipps from cominge in to succour them. Lastly, in the villages adjoyninge my Lord D. of Buckingham bestowed some smalle Garrisons, taken out of his slender troopes, by which he might not only keepe in the Islanders, but hinder the enemy from surprisinge him. My Lord D. did indeed herin shew the greatnes of his minde (but not with such successe as might answer it) from a prosperous beginninge, thinkinge all would bee sutable. But those whom immoderate hopes do flatter, some unprosperous accident doth, for the most part, undeceive. Besides, for a man to bee equally 63 excellent in the arts of the courte and of warre hath seldome hapned in any age. In this most innocent kinde of warre (on which about three monthes time were imployed) my Lord D. of Buckingham had no greater ambition then that his frends would sufficiently acknoledge that goodnesse and sweetnesse of disposition which not so much as an enemy could deny, yet, least hee should be thought to trifle, while the lines of his approches were drawinge his Cannon did so rore from all parts, that now, as yf evry Element had beene turnd to a thundringe place, the French did ducke under their fortifications, neyther could any man safly so much as shew his heade. 64

Chap. VII.

While these thinges were doinge, Louis xiii. becominge sicke of a fever, his people were much afflicted; for, as hee was reputed amongst them to be a Prince of great Spiritt, and in his owne nature prone to equity, so hee was much esteemed amongst them. In the meane while the Cardinall of Richelieu had the administration of affairs. Hee, indeed, beinge an active man, and fitt for businesses, did so watch over all that concernd the Kinge, that whatsoever he managed seemd to prosper; besides, it is said that hee proceeded ever in cleare and ouvert termes. This seemes sufficiently testifyed by the estate of those of the relligion in France, the Cardinall havinge so behaved himselfe towards them, that, 65 through his true dealinge they have beene more brought under then by others false. For while the Cardinall (as beinge held a man of unquestionable faithfullnes) did remove all doubtes and scruples out of their perplexed minds, they thought it better to trust to his words then their owne strength. Herupon at least they were divided, and therin occasion given to gaine or suppresse them the more easily; yf yet any way hee might bee thought to have failed, eyther to himselfe or Countrey, it was no way more sure then that he did somewhat slight my Lord D. of Buckingham in his solemne Ambassage to the French Court. What occasion my Lord D. of Buckingham might give herof I will not dispute. Only this is most certaine, that the generous minde of my Lord Duke tooke thinges in so ill part, that, the hate conceived at that time beinge 66 not sufficiently concocted, he did meditate after how he might at once (both in pointe of revenge and honor) repaire himselfe. Layinge aside therfore the antient affection he bore to that nation (which myselfe beinge Ambassador in France can sufficiently testify), and havinge gotten a just cause, he lost no time for the performinge his intentions. The whole frame of businesses in Europe beinge changed herupon, this Mal entendu, which was not contained eyther within their owne or their countries bounds, dilated it selfe even to many forraine and remote nations. Of so much moment it was thought to bee, that these powerfull persons with their Princes were in ill termes with each other. The Cardinall in the meane while, whom it concernd for more then one reason to provide for the security of the state, intermitted nothinge which might conduce to 67 that end. Therfore he sent to Havre de Grace to make ready some shipps, which Isnard, p. 73, calls Dragons; to Olon, Brouage, and the inhabitants adjoyning, to provide corne for the Beseiged; to Monsieur de Fargis, Ambassador in Spaine, that the Auxiliary Shipps which that Kinge had promised should presently bee dispatched away. Breefly, there was no port of France or the Allyes to it out of which (by the care of the Cardinall) some shipps were not borrowed, hired, or bought; amongst which certaine Shipps (which were made both for sayle and ores) bought att Bayone were of great use for transporting souldgers for releefe of the Cittadell. More over those shipps of ours which were taken at Blay were cut lower and fitted for ores, as Isnard himselfe wittnesseth, page 78, who yet forbeares to mention the treachery and Punique faith by which 68 they were first arrested. To these were joyned 30 Pinasses which Monsieur de Chalard bought at the Groine in Spaine for ready monney. Lastly, for the equipage of that ffleete, were added an incredible company of Flibotes, shallops, and barges. The care of accommodating the fleete with great Ordinance was committed to Monsieur de Beaumont, (an officer of note in the Kinge's house) and the providinge of victualls to Marsillac the Abbot. More over a counsaile of warre for sea businesses was calld, to which Purposes Monsieur de Beaulieu, Courcelles, Chanteloup, were chosen, where speach was had concerning the burninge our fleete. Ponpeo Targone also (famous for his engins at the seige of Ostende) offerd some of his designes. Together with which by new messengers the departure of the fleete from Spaine was accelerated: and that all these thinges might bee 69 done the better, in one part monney was raked together, in another returnd by exchange; and evry where almost souldgers levyed. Notwithstandinge all which, neyther was the sea thought safe, or the land trusty enough; so much feare had our 6000 foote and 100 horse alone given to all France. This terror was not a little increased by the meanes of certaine Posts which runninge up and downe the severall quarters of that Cuntrey had filld all with clamor and tumult, affirminge one while the English were before and sometimes behind them, neare the shoare, which Isnard himselfe in a sort doth seeme to confesse, pag. 33, where he saith: Lest it be sufficient to affirme it as a thinge truer than truth itselfe, that in one monthes space only there were dispatched out of the Court into sundry parts, both of the Kingdome as well as 70 forraine Nations, about 200 severall posts and messengers. That there is no question to be made but our smalle numbers were yet thought sufficient to exercise all France, together with their confederates. While these thinges were doinge in France, my Lord Duke of Buckingham addresses a battery against certaine windmills in the Cittadell, they on the other side Raysing some counter batterys, which at first tooke such effect: as our peeces were awhile withdrawne; but wee on the other side levelinge some other peeces against their Ordinance, did at last wholly dismount and breake theirs, which Isnard himselfe confesseth, pag. 84, where likewise he affirmes many of the beseeged were slaine. The same Author shortly after also affirmes Monsieur de Mantyn, a skilfull sea man, was sent for the conductinge the Spanish auxiliary fleete by a safer way 71 then the ordinary, so that it seemes it was not thought enough that both those great Princes did joyne their sea forces against us, unlesse with all much prevention and sleight had been used in the conductinge of their maritime forces.

Chap. VIII.

A great fleete beinge now assembled, the Abbot of Marsillac, according to his charge, resolves that some thinge must bee attempted in the favour of the beseiged. Therfore he exhorts the frends and acquaintance of Toiras to passe that narrowe channell. But their harts faylinge them as soone as they had lanched forth a little into the sea, they joyned themselves to the Convoy of Beaumont, saith Isnard, p. 85. The same day 72 Monsieur de Chasival, accompanyd with some horse and foote, was sent by Toiras to defend certaine windmils neare the Cittadell. But some of our men encounteringe him, he yeelded presantly both himselfe and company; yet such was my Lord D. of Buckingham's curtesy, that, after his beinge retained 3 or 4 dayes only with all good usage, he gave him liberty to returne to the Continent. The next day an other Convoy, by the procurement of the Abbot, was put in order for to bee transported by certaine Gallyes. But the forwardest of them fallinge into our hands, the rest returned to Equillon, and, as Isnard saith, were added to the Convoy which came after with Beaumont. The earth beinge now opened for trenches and Redoubts, (which were placed at that distance that they might bee within muskett shotte of each other) the Circumvallation, 73 which beganne neare the toune of Saint Martin's, did now, in the forme of a kinde of semicircle, reach to the further part of the Cittadell, neare the sea: the Enemy in the meane while makinge few or no Sallyes to disturbe us. So that wee received very little harme all the time wee advanced our workes. It seemed strange in the meane while to my Lord D. of Buckingham that the French did so easily suffer themselves to bee pend up, since they were not only in great number within the Cittadell, but that (as the runnawayes constantly affirmd) they were affraid of famine. Therfore they had longe since sent the Barron of Saugeon to hasten succours, who comminge about this time to the French Court, and givinge an accoumpt of his dispatch, was so replied unto that he thought good to change his supplications and intreaties 74 to thanksgivings. For all things were so ordered for the Releefe of the beseeged that nothinge more could bee required: only hee was a sutor that the care of the sendinge of the Convoy might be committed to Beaumont, as one much affected to Toiras. But Monke, an Englishman, did with no lesse cunninge and dexterity come to us. For insinuatinge himselfe secretly into the French campe before Rochelle, hee after gott from thence into the Citty, and so to my Lord D. of Buckingham; where, after he had told all those thinges which were committed to him, hee affirmed out of common report that a huge army of French was makinge ready, and aboute 300 shipps to transporte them. In the meane while, that the auxiliary Navyes of their confederate might bee more magnificently received, the Barron of Chabans was dispatchd into 75 little Brittaine, with command to the Marescall de Themines that they might be entertaind with all military sea-pompe. Hither also some shipps (which were built in the low-cuntreys) were to bee transported. In the meane while some light skirmishes happened before the Cittadell, with various successe, wee somtimes and they at others havinge the better. The so often assayd trajecte to Ree did at last succed well to one of the many shipps which were destined for that purpose; for turninge a little out of the way, at the same time that his consorts were put to flight, it at last recovered the Cittadell. An other also crept to the Fort de la Pree, neyther was it difficult in a darke night and at unusuall howers, since that winde which was proper for them must bee contrary to us. Some provision being brought in this Shippe the beseeged tooke hart 76 againe, and therfore they sent out some xl horse to bringe in that which came to the Fort de la Pree. But these accidentally meetinge with so many of ours, after a short resistance were beaten backe all save one, who escaped into the Fort de la Pree. Here, as also on other occasions, the French report that diverse of our men were slaine, wheras yet I can find no such thinge in my commentaries, though when an Enemy is prepared, and may take his owne time to give on, it cannot seeme strange yf they have the present advantage of it. Lewis the xiii aboute this time (beinge somewhat recovered of his Fever) after hee had approved all the Cardinall's proceedings, caused also (by a way of addition to the rest) two Forts to bee built neare Rochelle. Isnard gives the reason hereof, p. 95: That yf perchance our men should gett the 77 Island, these Forts yet might keepe them from farther goinge into the Continent. Besides he thought that the Rochellers, (as people whom he trusted not) what shew soever they made, would be the better kept at his divotion. For they, who, for gayninge time to gather in their Harvest, did at first not seeme so favorable to us, now they had finishd, did (as the French writers reporte) furnish us with victualls and munition. The 4th Essay of passage was committed to the Barron Renie, Joüy, du Clos, Artagnan, Morissac, and other chosen persons of the French nobility. These, not cunningly as the other, but directly and plainly, bent their course towards the Cittadell, but so as to suffer the punishment due to their rashness; for some beinge slaine and dround, the rest almost all did yeeld themselves, among whom was the Barron Renie, 78 who yet was not kept so straitly but that within 8 dayes he found meanes to escape, as Isnard himselfe confesseth, pag. 96. One might here upon quickly frame to himselfe a Judgment of my Lord D. of Buckingham's disposition, since betweene the gentlenesse and easinesse of it none yet were taken who had not meanes to escape. The circumvallation beinge almost finished (the enemy in the meane while doinge little, at hand, for the interruptinge of it) the Reformed amongst us used this stratageme to draw out the enemy to fight. For beinge sufficiently informed that a well neare the Cittadell, whither the garrison came often to draw water, was of greater moment then to bee neclected by them, they undertooke to poyson it, the Barron Sauignai (a frenchman) leadinge them out. Here was a hott fight, some Englishe cominge in 79 presantly for seconds. At length diverse beinge lost there was a retreite made on eyther side, amonge whom captaine Shugborough, a very valiant gentleman, having the bone of his Arme broken, died shortly after. This action may seeme perchance even horrible amonge deadly enemyes, and to speake truly, I would it had beene forborne; for all the rest seemd but essayes of valour on eyther side. But because, by the confession of Isnard, p. 97, the beseeged were in great want of water after this time, and consequently might the sooner bee brought to yeeld to my Lord D. of Buckingham's mercy, there was no such extraordinary signe of malignity. It may therfore bee excuse, both for that reason, as that it was done openly, and without treachery and secret mischeefe, and in spite of the Garrison, which by this meanes was drawne forth to fight. 80

Chap. IX.

Another French fleete, stored with victualls and amunition, wayted at the entrance of Tranche for a convenient time of Passage. But hearinge some of our shipps lay in wayt for them, they retyred up the river, as farre as they could. It came so to passe that their preparatives (even by the confession of Isnard) were frustrate. Monsieur Lingende, who was sent into Spaine, beinge now returned, did marvelously comfort the French with hopes of succours, affirminge the Spanish ffleete, consistinge of 40 shipps of Burden and xviii Gallions and Galisabres, was ready to sett sayle; v. Isnard, p. 97. The certaine reporte hereof beinge brought to my Lord Duke of Buckingham, who understood 81 likewise some Duncquerkers were to joyne with them; it is sayd he spake in this sense: Because his most honored Kinge and Master had given him commission to make warre with the Spanish as well as the French, it should bee very acceptable to him to come to a sea fight with them both. That his little land forces were indeed inferior to eyther of them, but that his Navy was such as hee would not refuse to give them the meetinge. Howsoever the event proved, neyther could their differences bee sooner determind, nor a fairer way opend to Glory. So far yet were they from this brave resolution, that they durst not so much as assaile any one of our shipps which lay at anchor, dispersed betwene the Island of Re and the Continent on the one part, and the Isle of Oleron on the other. They yet who consider thinges as they ought will 82 finde, accordinge to reason of warre, that it was not so hard severally to distreste our shipps, it beinge impossible to bringe the more remote (as lyinge on an other quarter of the Island) to the helpe of the nearer, unlesse they imaginde a winde wheelinge aboute and changinge itselfe accordinge to the occasion. Besides that the French Navy did as it were every day increase, which even their owne writers confesse, while they remember that xvi shipps, conducted by Monsieur de Sauve, and others from sundry places were dayly added to their number. So farre were they yet from beinge more courageous or redy to fight, that now they apprehended a new feare least the Isle of Oleron should bee invaded. But how could our smalle forces, which were scarse sufficient to make the circumvallation of the Cittadel of Saint Martin's, bee thought able to conquer an 83 other Island? Is not this feare, which Isnard himselfe confesseth, altogether Panique? Not-with-standinge which for the keepinge hereof, besides the Inhabitants and 300 Gentlemen and the Regiment of Plessis Praslin sent long since, some French troopes, taken from the Garrison aboute Anjou, were (on this reason sent thither). All which succeeded the better, that the care of the Island by the Kinge's commande was committed to the Active Cardinall. It beinge now aboute a Monthe since the seege beganne, Isnard reports that there hapned a fight neare the Bastion of Antioch, where hee saith c of our men were slaine; but hee is surly mistaken, for I can scarse finde any mention of this Action in our Commentaries. This is most certaine, that Isnard is deceaved in the number, for though they might give us some little blowe, so notable a 84 defeate as this would not have beene conceald by those whose creditt I have followed in this relation.

Chap. X.

My Lord D. of Buckingham now streitly pressinge the beseeged, saith Isnard, to the intent he might yet more and more vexe and famish them, caused all the Orthodoxall wifes, whose husbands were eyther in the Cittadell or Island to bee gathered together, and when they were not receaved into the Cittadell, to bee driven, beaten, killd, with more then barbarous cruelty. But Isnard deales not ingenuously with us, while suppressinge the proper appellation hee calls those women Orthodoxall, which even himselfe in an other place, pag. 130, calls Catholique. Why therfore doth hee use two severall de 85 nominations? Did he perchance feare a duble construction? But my Lord D. of Buckingham was farre from givinge any such occasion, for with a notable document of Piety hee would have every one sent to her owne husband; yet Isnard makes no difficulty here to rayle at my Lord Duke of Buckingham. But what Judge not meerly venall would thinke him more worthy of blame who drives and compells this wife to go to her husband, or he who refuses and rejects her? Their returne was desired by us, both as it was agreeable to my Lord D. of Buckingham's intentions that all thinges should bee done gently, as also that by a tender commiseration of their wifes they might the sooner bee brought to yeeld. The beseeged on the other side, for a double reason did oppose this, both as women were unusefull for persons beseeged and incomodated, as also 86 that it would increase the famine. Amonge so many shotte therfore of all sorts, which were sent from the Cittadell, it seemes most probable that some one of the Garrison did kill that woman, whose death Isnard doth elegantly recount. For if it had beene the designe of our men to kill those poore women, why should they labor to send them to their owne husbands, why should they stay but one or two, why should so much as one escape? Away therfore with the Foule mouth of Isnard. The 11/21 August, saith Isnard, was receaved a Sytale (hee should have said a Scytale, as beinge worthy the σχυταλψ [a Greek word signifying both a letter in cypher and a cudgell], while he rayles against us) written in Cypher from Toiras to Beaumont, in which he signified that the Mills were destroyed, and that all the meale beinge consumed, the Souldgers 87 did eate Bisket, which would not last above tenn dayes. Isnard himselfe doth confesse that this wrought much terror amongst them, pag. 104. For remedy wherof the Duke of Angoulesme, Marillac, Beaumont, Brese, Valance were commanded that at what Price soever they should releave Toiras. Wherupon Belesbat, a captaine, was charged to bringe 10 shipps laden with all manner of necessaries to the beseeged, who, that hee might have a clearer passage, resolved to send vii shipps with fier works before him to free the way. Breefly, the French employed all their endeavors not so much to chase the English from the Island by Force, (how-so-ever Isnard's booke beares the title of Fuga Anglorum) as to releave the Forte. But diverse brave and expert commanders amonge the French alleadged that in holdinge this course they did not only much 88 depart from the antient honor of their Nation, but offended even against the lawes of military discipline. Therfore they perswaded the putting off all delay in this kinde, since neyther the English had ever so little an army in France, or the French (since man's memory) a greater. That their Forces (consistinge of 30,000 at least) were able both to drive away the Enemy and to blocke up Rochell. That this could bee douted of none that considered the stronge and large circumvallation (fortified with redoubts evry where) which was made before that Toune. That these therfore beinge well mand, the Rest might bee transported into the Island of Re. That so they might send an Army triple in number to the English, to which those of the Island and Garrison yet might bee added. That the execution hereof for diverse 89 reasons should be hastned, but for none more then least the English might have time to renforce themselves. That emulation for the late Victory (gaind at Samblancen), as well as hope of Rich Booty, would quickly drawe more Company: neyther could they doubt it, the English beinge in speech already of sendinge a Colony thither. Before therfore their new leuvyes could arrive, that they should at one and the same time invade them both out of the Continent, the Isle of Oleron, and the Cittadells adjoyninge. Neyther could it hinder them that our shipps ridde at Anchor aboute the Island, since they were both much scatterd, and no wind could blowe wherby they might assemble altogether. Besides, that the Night was the fittest time for this Enterprise: by the benefitt wherof, especially in so short a Cutt, all might bee done with that speede and 90 advantage that the English would not have leasure so much as to gather their spiritts to them. That yf they tooke any other resolution, that the Supply which wee dayly expected would bee brought in that number to the Island that no power could expulse them, especially yf those of the Relligion in France had time to take Armes and joyne with the English. This was, indeed, bravely spoken, and accordinge to the true maximes of warre, but little followed; for so much feare (I will not say terror, with Isnard, p. 104) had invaded the French that they durst undertake nothinge before wee had voluntarily resolved a departure, and carryed all our great Ordinance a shipboord. Therfore pretendinge now one, and shortly after some other excuse, they lurkd in their stronge places for 3 months space together, which was never done by them in 91 any former age; but with what slackness and constraint lett those Heroes tell who do not envy us our glory. But Isnard saith, page 105, that to performe so great an exploite, and to beseege Rochell too, the King had not (to use his Phrase) legitimas vires. But lett the Reader judge hereof, for wee will not evry where examine the Author's Solicismes. Aboute this time the Duke of Orleance, the Kinge's only brother, came to the French Army, to whom (it seemes by Isnard, p. 106) power was given to transport into Re 3,000 souldgers out of Oleron; hee speakes also a little before of 6,000. Howsoever there was nothinge done at that time for the releefe of the beseeged, the cause wherof neyther doth Isnard teach, nor myself require at his hands. Let it suffice that it was not through this generous Prince's faulte yf any thinge 92 that might bee for the honor of France were omitted.

Chap. XI

About this time a letter was delivered from the French Kinge to Toiras, by which he marvelously comforted him with promises of helpe, and did as it were exhorte those of the Garrison by name to doe their duties, wherof you may finde more, Isnard, p. 107 and 108. The Bishop of Nismes in the meane while, brother to Toiras, perceivinge how slowly succors were transmitted by Beaumont and others who had charge therof, hires Desplan with Monney to releeve his Brother, as Isnard relates, pag. 108; he writes also to Beaulieu, an expert sea Captaine, givinge him hope of a very 93 great reward, yf he transported victuall to the Island. The Cardinall also the same day sent an obligation or Bond, signed with owne name, wherin he covenants to give him 10,000 livres that would passe to the beseeged with vidtualls. Neither was this the only time that the Cardinall used those meanes. For hee had written before in the same sense (which Isnard calls Aliud Idem) to Beaumont, p. 109. Was it perchance that since prayers and threats availde not that his French might bee induced with hope of gaine? How-so-ever, it is very certaine that nothinge was undertaken in favour of the hungry garrison till a longe while after. The Autumne now growinge on, the earth was so moystned with frequent raines that the souldgers on eyther side had no ground but myre to do their duties in. This indeed was incomodious 94 for the Garrison, unlesse they were covered with hutts or Planks, but altogeather greevious to us; who, beinge of a more tender and delicate constitution, did hardly indure to watch in durty places and the open Ayre. Hence were ingenderd ill habitts of their bodies, which had theire conclusion in Catarrhs, diseases of the lunges, Burninge feavers and Disenteries: our numbers herupon were so dimminished that they could scarsly bee made up againe by supplies sent afterwards both from England and Ireland. For our Cuntry so abounds with all manner of dainties, which eyther the soyle bringes forth or Marchants bringe in, that it hardly brooks the delicates of any one Region. When therfore they come out of the temperate and mild Ayre of their Cuntry they scantly indure the unequalityes of other Climes, unlesse perchance they bee 95 borne in the rougher parts of it. Let the reader, therfore, accept this as the true reason why our men were wantinge in so great a number; for it is certaine that but a few were killd by the French Garrison; they beinge so farr from makinge sallyes, to this purpose, that for the most part they contained themselves within their fortifications. Yet by the rules of warre an other course should have been held. For since they in the Cittadell were more then enowe to defend the place, and besides stoode in no little danger of famine, whether the losse had fell on our side or the Garrison's, it would have beene no little for the Advantage of that Kinge's affaires. Moreover, it seemd not difficult to surprise our men, it beinge in their power suddainly to assaile us as ofte as they would; for since the proportion of the Beseegers to the beseeged should bee at least 4 96 to 1, ours were hardly one and a halfe. Hereto might bee added that the Garrison of the Fort de la Pree behinde us, and some of the Island on our sides, or rather on every part, did lay waite for us. Lett not the French, therfore, boaste as yf they proceeded so like brave fellowes in every poynte. Toiras, when the siege had now continued 5 weekes, saith Isnard, page 110, and all the shallops had gone out happily which belonged to the Forte, sent certaine counterfaite spies, wherof some were instructed with letters, others by word of mouth, who, though most faithfull to their Kinge, should yet affirme themselves runnawaies,amonge whome at this time, or certainly not longe before, my commentaries say there was one sent to kill my Lord Duke of Buckingham, wherof yet there is no mention amonge the French writers, although the party 97 not only confessinge the Fact, but signinge it with his hand, should not have beene conceald by them. I must bee so farre yet from beleevinge that he was hired for this purpose by Toiras, that I am confident his generous hart abhord all such Assassinates. In the meane while, lett it suffice that this man did discover himselfe by his owne testimony, who shewinge withall the knife wherwith hee was to stabb my L. Duke, lefte no occasion to doubt of the truth any longer. My Lord D. of Buckingham did indeed escape at this time, but because amongest his owne Cuntreymen he suffred not longe after in the same kinde, it seemd this death was not so much taken away now as deferd, and that the Omen was given only at this time. Three souldgers were now perswaded by Toiras that they should swimme over this narrowe cutt. One of them failinge in his courage or 98 strength came to us, another beinge intercepted in the waves perishd, the third swimminge over arrived at the Forte neare Rochell halfe dead, from whence creeping alonge the ground, not unlike some vermine, he performed the rest of his journey; insomuch that comminge at last to the Army, he told his Kinge the estate of the beseeged, to whome, as well deservinge both of Kinge and cuntrey, was given an annuall pension. That these messages yet were not answered Isnard himself doth testify, p. 113. But might not the shallops which were sent by Toiras returne the same way they went, especially the cutte beinge so narrowe as a souldgir might swimme it over? Let the ingenuous reader judge hereof. In the meane while, it was not without need that Toiras demanded helpe from his Master, for the meale beinge much perished, and the mills 99 put out of order or broken, it was not possible, saith Isnard, pag. 103, to furnish dayly 3,000 loaves of bread, which hee calls dupondy (and is understood to serve a whole day at least) that thereupon we might conjecture the number of the Garrison. Isnard, p. 103, strivinge to expresse this scarcity, as also the want of planks for makinge hutts, amonge other arguments of their calamitys, saith he, there wanted even tiles for their tents. But what Buffoone could have said any thinge more ridiculous? For hee seemes to inferre that the Tents should have tiles to cover them, when not so much as boords well joynd together have need of them. Howsoever, that they were in farr better state with their 5,000 plankes (which Isnard can not deny, pag. 103) then our men that had nothing to defend them from ill weather, the reader will easily imagine. The 100 runnawayes every day now more and more comminge to my Lord Duke of Buckingham, hee thought it not amisse to salute Toiras with an epistle in this sense.

Chap. XII.


Le desir que J'ay de tesmoigher en toutes occasions combien J'estime et prise les personnes de qualitè et merite, me fera tousjours proceder en leur endroit, avec toutes fortes de Courtesie. J'estime que je me suis comportè jusqu'icy en vostre endroit de cette forte, autant que la loy des Armes me l'a peu permettre. En continuation de quoy, avant que la fuitte des affaires m'oblige a prendre d'autres Conseils et changer de procedure, J'ay trouve bon de vous exhorter a la consideration de 101 vos necessites, lesquelles vous aves desjà endurè avec grande Patience, et vostre Courage vous pourroit porter a L'extremite, sous les vaines esperances de secours au prejudice de vour scureté. Pour ces causes et pour le regret que J'aurois de vous voir arriver plus grand desplaisir, nous avons jugè convenable de vous convier a vous rendre entre nos mains, avec ceux qui sont de vostre compagnie et sous vostre charge, ensemble les places par vous occupees, sous des conditions que vous ne deves esperer a l'advenir, si vous m'obliges a poursuivre les moyens que J'ay en mains pour accomplir mes desseins, et que vous portes les affaires à l'extremitè. Surquoy attendant vostre response Je demeure,

Monsieur, Vostre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur,

B. 102

That desire I have to wittnes upon all occasions how much I esteeme and prise those who are persons of quality and merit will cause me likewise to proceede towards them ever with all manner of curtesy; I think that I have behaved my selfe so towards you untill this time as farre as the law of armes would permitt. In continuation wherof, before the consequence of affaires doth oblige me to take other counsailes, and change my proceedinge, I have thought good to exhort you to take into your consideration those necessities you have already indured with great patience, and your courage may perchance bringe you to extremityes (under vaine hope of succours) to the prejudice of your safty. For these causes, and for the greefe I should have to see any greater misfortune arrive unto you, wee have judgd it convenient to invite you to render yor selfe unto us, 103 together with those who are of your Company, and under your charge, as also the places held by you, (under those honorable conditions which you are not to expect hereafter) yf you oblige me to use those meanes that are in my hands to accomplime my designes, and that you bringe thinges to extremity. Wherupon attendinge your answer, I rest,

Your thrise humble and thrise obedient Servant,


The letter beinge receaved which, accordinge to the coppy printed in French, I have here exhibited, Toiras not stainge longe, writes after this manner:—

Vos courtesies sont cognues de tout le Monde, et estant faites avec le Jugement que vous y apportes, elles doibvent estre principallement 104 attendues de ceulx qui sont des bonnes actions. Or je n'en trouve point de meilleure que d'employer sa vie pour le service de son Roy. Je fuis icy pour cela, avec quantitè des braves gens, dont le moins resolu ne croiroit pas avoir satisfait a foy mesme, s'il n'avoit surmonte toutes sortes des difficultes pour ayder a conserver cette Place. Ainsi ni le desespoir de secours, ni la crainte d'estre mal traite en une extremitè, ne me scauroient faire quitter de si genereux dessein. Et je me sentirois indigne d'aucune des vos faveurs, si j'avois obmis un feul point de mon devoir en ceste Action, dont l'issue ne me peut estre que sort honnorable. Et d'autant plus que vous aures contribuè a cette gloire, d'autant plus seray Je oblige d'estre a toujours,

Monsieur, vostre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur,

T. 105

Your courtesies are knowne over all the world, and beinge done with that judgment which you bringe, they ought to bee attended cheefly of those who do good actions. Now I knowe none better then to imploy on's life for the service of their Prince. I am here for this purpose, with a number of brave fellowes, the most irresolute of which would not beleeve hee had done as hee ought yf he did not surmount all difficulties to conserve this place; so that neyther dispaire of succours, nor feare of beinge ill used in an extremity, can make me leave of so generous a designe. And I should thinke myselfe unworthy your favours, yf I did omitt one only poynte of my duty in this action, of which the conclusion can not bee but very honorable, and by how much more you shall contribute to 106 this glory, so much more shall I bee obliged alwaies to remaine

Your thrise humble and thrise obedient servant,


These most courteous letters were seconded with many arguments of a kinde of goodwill, so that the diligent Author, Mer. Franc, tom. xiii. pag. 860, saith that never warre was more composed to civility and elegance of manners. To this purpose Isnard saith, pag. 117, that Toiras did demand of my Lord Duke of Buckingham's messenger whether any Mellons (which Isnard, instead of Melopipones or Melipepones, calls only Mellones) were kept in the Island, which my Lord D. of Buckingham understandinge sent him a dozen. Toiras, havinge receaved them, rewards the messenger with 107 20 Crounes, and the next day sent 6 bottles of Citron flower water and 12 little boxes of powder de Cipres, who, least hee should bee behind hand in liberality, gave the messenger xx Jacobus. Breefly, businesses were then so carried, as somebody said, the frendship seemd serious, and warre but for pastime and exercise only. The supplyes now cominge out of England and Ireland, with Sir Rafe Bingley and Sir Piers Crosby brought, My Lord D. of Buckingham did not yet thinke fitt to change his opinion of winninge this place by famine. There wanted not yet diverse commanders who thought fitt to invest the Forte de la Pree, which one Monsieur Barriere did defende; but because many of our souldgers were dead, and others sicke, our numbers were thought insufficient for both purposes. Therfore my Lord D. of Buckingham continued his first 108 resolution. After therfore hee had compassed the Cittadell with a trench and redouts, he raysed a kinde of moveable mount in the sea, made of the keeles and bottoms of shipps: this beinge fastened with Anchors, and 7 great peeces of Ordenance placed on the top of it, with Gabions to defende them, was conducted so towards the Forte, as well for a shelter of our longebows as that it might with more advantage beate the sides of the auxiliary shipps, which might bee sent to releave the Cittadell. This engine at first was thought to bee of great moment for keepinge the Enemy from our Shoare. But at last it beinge brused and shattered with the winds and force of the waves, it came to nothinge. Then my Lord D. of Buckingham caused huge masts and longe peeces of timber, fastned together with cables, to bee extended to a great length, be 109 twixt the Cittadell and the Continent. But by the Force of the sea this also was unjoyned and broake in peeces. Then certaine shipps were tyed one to an-other by ropes, which some empty Barrells did so bowy as accordinge to their motion they might eyther sinke or swimme. But because in stormy weather these were not thought to ride so safely, he commanded them with all speede to bee separated and sett loose. Lastly, our seamen did sinke some lesser shipps, loden with great stones, neare the Porte, but not eyther in such quantity or number as that all passage was shutte up from the Enemy.

Chap. XIII.

Sixteene shipps aboute this time being gotten in Spaine, and on their way to France, mett first with sixe of our shipps, and afterwards with 4. They were yet so farre from fightinge with us, that, flyinge away first from these and afterwards from the other with more diligence, they escaped into a haven adjoyninge, without havinge receaved any great harme. The Abbot Marsillac, in the meane while, beinge mindfull of his duty, prepares an other fleete in favour of the beseeged, committinge the charge thereof to Valin. But what care soever he tooke hee could scarse find any marriners. The reason hereof Isnard gives, pag. 125: There lay alonge all the coast many dead bodyes of marriners 111 which the sea had cast up. These, havinge beene taken by the English and throwne into the sea, had their armes and leggs so tied together that they might not escape with swimminge. The filthy carrens (saith the same Author) were such a terror to the Marriners, already corrupted by the Inhabitants of Sable d'Olone, (beinge of the Relligion) that they could by no meanes bee perswaded to goe a shippbord. But neyther here can we give intire creditt to Isnard, at least yf hee pretend that this was our usuall manner; for although the sea favours and spares none: though the Lowe-countrymen hold no quarter with the Spaniard on that part: though it bee the common custome of the French themselves to sacrifice unto the Ocean those they take in it; yet that this was not done by us to all or everywhere is sufficiently knowne. For that many 112 captives and Prisoners taken by sea beinge most gently used, had leave to return againe, and others also deceivinge their easy keepers, escaped away to the Cittadell, even the French Authors themselves do not deny. As for the rest of that which Isnard saith, it seemes not very probable, for why should those of the Reformed relligion give guifts to those whom feare had already corrupted? Would not this appeare like pouderinge of meate already rotten? But some of them beinge at last cast into bonds and fetters, the lesser feare it seemes was exhausted by the greater, for of two wounds one receaves the greater only is painfull; with these, therfore, and xiii Masters he undertakes the Passage. Amonge those who accompanied him, the sonne of the Barron Sangeon, Taraub, Cursolles, Chanteloup, Salieres, Perontel, Besattes, Coimpes, 113 Du Lac, are reconed, every one of which had the command of a shippe. But somethinge is to bee said before hande of our navy: it consisted in generall eyther of great shipps of burden, or of catches and longe boates. The French shipps, on the other side, (which were of a middle size, betwixt both these, and made use both of sayle and ore) had advantage on the first sort in swiftnesse, and of the latter in strength. Besides, in darke and unusuall howers of night, and when the sea was somewhat rough (or at least in a great Calme) the passage was for the most part undertaken, (a linke which was kindled on the toppe of the Cittadell shewinge the way) using therfore both saile and ores, and fetchinge a compasse somtime aboute our great shipps which rode at Anchor, and at other times beinge past. them before they were aware, they did 114 strangely avoyde us; while our little skiffes and longe boates in vaine pursued them that they could by no meanes overtake. It came so to passe that our Cannon, in that darke season and hy-growne sea, did shoote hyer for the most part then to touch their shipps. Yf, in the meane time, any of our shipps did weigh Anchor, with intention to chase the French, they lost their labor, for they ever gott into the Haven before our shipps could over take them. There is no cause, therfore, that the reader should imagine the French did any thinge eyther hazardous or difficult, which may bee urged by the Example of Ostend; for at the seege of that Toune both the Low Cuntrymen and our shippes, in full daylight (not-with-standinge the opposition of Bucquoy, who had placed his cannon directly in the entry of the Channell) did bringe releefe to the 115 beseeged; wheras the French never by daylight, no, nor by night neyther, when there was any moonshine, attempted a passage. This fleete of Valin's, havinge gotten a fitt time for saylinge, lanches forth into the deepe, Sangeon tryinge out the way a little before the rest. It hapned that night, aboute the second watch, that there was some glimmeringe of light, by the benefitt wherof Valin, beinge come some what neare our shipps, sees only 4 of his in consort; he thrise shewes a light, saith Isnard, to call on the rest, but not so much as one appearinge, he retires to the entrance of the river Tranche, beinge little carefull of Sangeon that went before him. Sangeon, againe not seeinge Valin, takes an other way to returne to the Continent. This also was done by Cursolles not long after. At length Valin, meetinge with 7 shipps of his company, joynes 116 them with his, and changing his course makes for the Cittadell by the way of the sea calld Savage, beinge little uncertaine of his steerage as longe as the linke burnt in the toppe of the Cittadell. Besides, it happned at that time there was few or no guards kept on that part, so that with out receavinge any great harme hee arrived about the 2d hower of the 3d watch. But Sangeon did not so, for a few dayes after essayinge the same way he came into our hands. The Garrison beinge by this meanes refreshed, and so becominge more cheerfull in their duties, Toiras sent away with Valin the sicke, wounded, and Catholique women, saith Isnard, pag. 130, (who now suppresseth the name of Orthodoxall) which the enemy had forced into the Cittadell. Likewise Ambleville was sent to the D. of Orleans; with the ebb therfore of the night 117 tide they departed with much silence, keepinge all alonge the coast of the Island, till slippinge by and escapinge both our greater shipps and longe boates, they made their way for the Continent. This supply was thought to bee of great moment, not so much yet because it brought victualls and carried away the unusfull numbers, as because it discovered the way to the Cittadell; for so Isnard seemes to say, pag. 131. And more hope was conceived hereof that Valin had not only told his Cuntreymen that hee could as ofte as hee pleased go to the Cittadell, but named a day to Mr Hashburnham (of whom straitways) on which he said in despite of us he would bringe another Convoy. Our seamen beinge angry herewith lookd a little better to their busines, and therfore on the 2/12 August tooke certaine shipps laden with corne and provision, havinge first 118 kild or wounded all the souldgers or marriners in them.

Chap. XIIII.

All the provision which the Island afforded beinge by this time almost consumed, victualls were not gotten but at a deare rate. Our souldgers therfore desired rather to have part of their allowance in meat then monney. Businesses were now brought to that passe that the famine wee had prepared for others was ready to fall on our selves. The often demanded and more often promised supplies out of England were longe since expected, but in vaine, the winds, or men who had order to provide them beinge still adverse. Our new souldgers hereupon were neyther so patient or stout-harted 119 that they could eyther sufficiently obey or resist these necessities, wherupon some little grudginges of sedition and tumult appeared amonge them. My Lord Duke of Buckingham, that he might free himselfe from these difficultyes, thinkes fitt to send Mr Hashburnham, his kinsman, into England, and that nothinge might stay him a faire occasion seemd offerd. For Toiras beinge incumbred in the same kinde, desires leave that Monsieur de Sanfurin might passe from the Cittadell to the French Court, and so returne backe, which, that hee might obtaine the more easily, hee cunningly seemd to give some hope of yeeldinge. My Lord D. of Buckingham approves it, so that it might bee lawfull for his kinsman to take his jorney through France, the passage to England from thence being so commodious that no wind could blowe which would not serve 120 to bringe him on our coast: that unlesse he might bee assured hereof the agreement not to hold; for it was no reason they should prevaile themselves of an Advantage wherein there concurd no benefitt to us. These thinges beinge approved on, they both beinge carried in an English shippe to the next porte of the Continent, take Poste horse and ride together to Paris. Sanfurin hastinge presently to the Court, delivers the state of affaires in the Cittadell; which beinge done, he told them the agreement concerninge his Journey and Mr Hashburnham's: with all, he saith, that Mr Hashburnham might perchance say those thinges which would not be displeasinge to the Kinge. Hereuppon a counsaile was calld aboute the receivinge Mr Hashburnham, the Kinge, Q. mother, the Cardinall of Richelieu, and other prime persons of France 121 assistinge. At last it was agreed, with one consent, that it was not for the dignity of France to heare anythinge from him as longe as the English army remained in their coast. It was ordered besides that no man should see him unlesse hee first obtained leave from the Kinge. The French yet were not so necligent but that they thought good to sound his intentions. For which purpose they employd Monsieur de Botru, to whome, amonge other thinges, Isnard saith hee uttered these thinges: Yf they would make but one overture of endinge the difference betwixt both nations, that hee would second it with a dozen, which hee doubted not would bee acceptable to the French Kinge. Mr Hashburnham (who is my Author in this relation) doth not remember hee sayd any such thinge. But lett it bee granted; hee doth not yet so much propose a 122 peace in these words as inquire into the Frenchmen's disposition concerninge it; for so the words sound, even as Isnard himselfe recites them. Hee therfore admitts no beginninge of Treaty which the French did not first projecte. Upon these termes, yf equall conditions were offerd, he promises faire, yf otherwise, not so much as a worde. His Cuntrey's honor was dearer to him then that hee would prostitute it upon any occasion. But lett that bee granted too, that my Lord D. of Buckingham desired peace (although so much can not bee gathred out of Isnard's words) it was the end and scope of the warre; yet was it not so much to us as to his owne people that my Lord D. of Buckingham did wish that Kinge to grant a peace. So that the civill warres of France might have a happy conclusion, hee might say, there would bee no further molestation 123 on our part; yf therfore he desired favour, it was not in the behalfe of the English, but of the French themselves. Why then should the vaine Orator breake out in these words, pag. 135: That my Lord Duke did desire amonge the French a lesse shamefull collour for his departure, and a more honest conclusion of the warre by his kinsman? For when he left the Island, he did with the smalle remainder of his slender forces (even by the Frenchmen's owne confession) offer them battaile. Mr Hashburnham now, (accordinge to agreement) least hee should bee defrauded of his purposes, demands leave that he might go to England; but the French refuse. Then Mr Hashburnham disputes the Pointe. At length all hee could obtaine was that hee might have leave to returne againe with Monsieur Sanfurin into the Isle of Re. The reason of 124 this changed course Isnard seemes to give in these words, pag. 136: Least perchance by a rumor of peace the Frenchmen's might bee somewhat slackned, and the eagernes to warre in them should languish and decay. Perchance also they thought that yf Mr Hashburnham went to England Sanfurin should not bee admitted to returne into the Cittadell. But there is no reason that for any, much lesse a sleight cause, the publicke faith should bee violated, even amongst enemies. In the meane while my Lord Duke of Buckingham was too much wronged even with this suspition; yet cacklinge Isnarde doubts not here againe to lay to my Lord D. of Buckingham's charge the English punique faith, because, forsooth, hee did not permit Sanfurin, who returned with Mr Hashburnham, to enter the Cittadell. But who, unlesse he were the most Punique of 125 Mankinde, could thinke it just that Sanfurin, beinge not only instructed with all thinges necessary, but laden even with salves and unguents, (which he carried in the lininge of his cloathes) should have free passage to the Cittadell, and Mr Hashburnham, who lost his labor, and was besides affronted, should bee kept backe from his intended Journey. But Isnard complains that Monsieur Sanfurin was detaynd: but what kinde of detention was it? Not that hee should suffer the condigne punishment of the violated agreement; but in a while after his comminge to sitt at my Lord Duke of Buckingham's table, to bee treated nobly, gently, sumptuously; therfore lett not Isnard with his foule language wronge the English, beinge such a man as I can not tell whether to call him a greater Halophant or Sycophant. Besides that tellinge his owne 126 Faults in others names, hee seemes to personate some one who is not only out of his proper outward habit but inwarde understandinge.

Chap. XV.

Monsieur de Taraub (who Isnard saith was dispatched aboute the 15 of Sepember) comminge neare this time to the French Court, proposeth, in conformity of Toiras his advice, that some Forces might bee sent to the Forte de la Pree, which through supine necligence remained all this while unattempted; that this beinge done, lines might bee drawne and fortifications made (that way which ledd to our campe) which might lodge an army tenn times greater then ours. That so breakinge forth at once out of all parts, our men 127 might bee killd, or at least chased out of the Island. To this purpose that cc shipps should be brought together, in which both victualls and men might bee carried to the Forte de la Pree, (for so saith Isnard, pag. 138) for it was not to bee sufferd that our men should so longe habituate themselves in this Island. This was indeed bravely spoken, and like a souldger, but to such as little followed the advise. For though the equall reader may finde the French shipps were double in number to ours, (for wee had but a hundred, as I related towards the beginninge of this worke) yet durst they hazard neyther land nor sea fight with us. This may seeme the stranger, since yf the French Pontons (for so Cæar calls theese shipps) were an under match to our shipps of burden, why yet might they not serve to carry over the Army before Rochell? 128 It beinge certaine that (after the Circumvallation with the Redouts, which was made before that Toune was finished) their Army had little to do, especially since others againe were added; so that it was now gyrt about with 13 great Forts or Skances, by which meanes all their sally-Ports were so blocked up that it was impossible for the Rochellers to moleste them. My L. Duke could never, therfore, sufficiently wonder that this forward nation in all ages did so put of their busines that they durst exploite nothinge in the open feild, untill our ordinance was carried into the shipps and our best men loste in the last assault; yet, yf they examine the busines as they ought, they will find the Island was of greater consequence then that they should further it to bee brought into that danger; for it beinge conqyered it was not hard to 129 gett Oleron, and from thence to make inroads in their Cuntrey. Then the way to Rochell also had lyen open. Besides, it might have beene kept (as longe as the English were stronger by sea) even in despite of France; and that it should bee so kept, our merchants alone (so they might have enjoyed the benefitt of the Wines and Salt) would have undertaken. Not-with-standinge which, yf Valin had not beyonde hope and feare by an unimaginable way come unto the Citadell at the time he did, the Island had beene lost. Neyther was this the only good fortune which happned to the French. For unlesse the shipps which arrived after to the succour of the Forte, beinge gott past our guards in that darke season, had been taken for ours, untill they had made the Haven of the Cittadell, even famine itselfe would have constrained Toiras to 130 yeeld. How slow or dull, therfore, his Cuntrey-men were all this 3 months space Isnard himselfe doth seeme to teach, pag. 83, who, beinge as it were transported beyond himselfe, saith, in his Patheticall manner, that an unexpected and incredible felicity had happned to the French at length; least in the meane while the counsaile of Toiras (of expelling our men by force) should utterly seeme to bee rejected, great store of Planks for buildinge of Hutts, mattockes, spades, shovels, etc., for intrenchinge their men, were brought to the Forte de la Pree from the Continent; but for shew and ostentation only, for that really the French did then intend no such thinge the very interposed time doth convince sufficiently, besides Isnard himselfe doth seeme to confesse it, p. 143, while hee saith it was then only resolved that 500 souldgers, with a 131 new supply of victualls, should bee sent to the Cittadell of Saint Martin's. And that this might bee effected, Taraub was sent to the Duke of Angoulesme (a man inferiour to none in his Cuntrey). More-over, Lewis xiii, beinge now recovered from his longe sicknes, to the intent he might give better order for his affaires, resolved to go to the Leager before Rochell. In the meane while he writes to Toiras that hee would send him the names and Sirnames of all those who were with him in the Cittadell; this letter, dated St Germans, 6/16 September, 1627, least it should miscarry, was coppyed out, and delivered to two severall messengers to carry, that at least one might bee delivered: Isnard saith both came. The French havinge gotten courage now by the noyse of the kinges settinge forth, attempted the passage to the Cittadell thrise in the space of 132 tenn dayes, expert seamen I doubt not beinge chosen for this purpose: yet Isnard passeth over their names, because beinge repulsed by our men they retyred to the Toune and river of Saint Benoit, as he sayth, pag. 151. The joy for this happy successe was allayed by the death of Sir Jhon Bourroughes, for that valiant Coronell (particularly renouned at the seege of Frankendall) while hee viewed the souldgiers works, beinge shott with a muskett bullett, was hardly brought to his lodginge; my Lord D. of Buckingham here upon comes to see him, beinge then neare his death, and askes whether hee desired any thinge of his Kinge and Master, eyther in his owne or frends name, but he replying only that hee had cast away all care of humane affairs died resolutly. The 3rd day after the last repulsed fleete, Maupas, the sonne of Richardier, beinge followed with 133 many Shipps, assaies the passage againe, and in the dead time of the night attempts a way unto the Cittadell; yet only Mesnil had the fortune of it; for whilst our men, who had driven away the rest, did in strivinge together hinder each other to take him Prisoner, he escapinge by the benefitt of ores, gott into the Haven. The sea being now ebbd our men rann to the shore to sett this shippe on fier, the Garrison sallyinge forth on the other side to defend it; upon which followed a sharpe fight in a place much disadvantagious for us; at length, upon the part of the French, Montferrier, brother to Toiras, and diverse others were killd, some of good sort also amonge ours beinge slaine. Neyther could it bee otherwise, for since all the sands lay open to the shott of the Cittadell, they had out of their defences a fairer marke then that they 134 could misse, yet were our souldgers so exasperated by the death of Sir Jhon Burroughes, that they had not easily retyred but for the Sea comminge in. The 8 day after, an other navy was sent, but the Commanders names are purposely omitted by Isnard; for though the French were beaten back very often, yet there was no repulse more notable than this, for of that great fleete, not only 7 were taken or burnt, (as our commentaries report) but the rest chased with that fury that our men, landing at Equillon, did in the sight of a troope of horse kill diverse of the French.

Chap. XVI.

The English now breakinge into the Continent had cast that feare on the French that neyther on the one side they durst hope, or on the other side send supplies; Toiras therfore thinkes of yeeldinge, and so much the rather that hee foresaw bread would faile them within 4 dayes, (as Isnard out of his Commentaries relates) though, saith the same Author, by testimonies publiquely given, the letters which Toiras sent the Kinge, and the supplyes lately brought, it is not Credible that thinges were at that passe. But there is no reason that Isnard should lay to the charge, even of his owne Cuntreymen, the Punique faith upon so sleight conjectures. Therfore, wee freely confesse, the Garrison was in 136 great want of all thinges. There came, indeed, in Mesnil's shippe some provisions, but so little that it scarse satisfied the hunger they had gotten by their continuall labors; wee beleave, therfore, this store was consumed in a few dayes, yf not howers; there comminge in the meane while to us (which Sir Henry Palmer brought) some Provision, wherof Toiras was not ignorant, so that it hastned his determination of yeeldinge. In this state of affaires Toiras sends some who had charge to speake with my Lord Duke of Buckingham concerninge makinge of a peace; but these havinge negotiated in vaine, certify Toiras at their returne, that my Lord D. of Buckingham would admit no Treaty, but only of yeeldinge the Cittadell. There hapened in the meane while a hott skirmish neare an old wall betwixt the Toune and Cittadell of Saint Martin's, 137 wherin some on eyther part were slaine, amonge whom the Barron Renye (who, contrary to his promise of beinge a good Prisoner, fledd from us) was killd, as Isnard relates, pag. 154. Toiras now lay sicke of a disease that had held him aboute a month; beinge thus unable to undergoe his charge, he calls the Coronells, captaines, and souldgers, whose faintinge and weake courages that hee might a little sustaine and quiett, hee promised to yeeld, unlesse succors came within eight dayes, saith Isnard in plaine termes, p. 155. It fell out so that when the Kinge, the Duke his brother, and Cardinall, did thinke of succoringe the Cittadell the beseeged thought of rendringe it up, the time now comminge (saith Isnard, pag. 156) that Toiras was bound to yeeld by Promise to the Garrison, whose consternation and feare caused much troble. By his commandment, saith 138 Isnard, Monsieur de Montand goes to my Lord D. of Buckingham, and is said to have spoken in this sense: That my Lord D. of Buckingham was such a person that the Garrison ought not so much to make as receive the conditions of surrendringe from him. That they might hope of better upon these termes from so noble a disposition as his, then even the law of Armes would permitte. Lastly, that I may use Isnard's words, pag. 156: Hee asked what conditions his Exellency did please to prescribe. It trobled my Lord Duke of Buckingham (beinge thus for the rest a victor) to be overcome with any Ingenuity, and now that his armes had gotten him dignity enough, hee a little envyed the Frenchmen even their humility; composinge himselfe therfore wholy unto clemency and elegance of manners, he thus replied, (as Isnard saith in these words 139 followinge): That hee nothinge doubted but they were men of more courage in themselves and fidellity to their Kinge, then that they would yeeld before extreame necessity compelld them; not-with-standinge, because they were generous hee would give them equall and worthy conditions, which the next day followinge as he thought most fittinge he promised to declare unto them. The space indeed was but short for both, especially for my Lord D. of Buckingham; for while sometimes hee thought it a brave thing to conquer and subdue, and then againe it seemd no lesse glorious to spare the prostrate and reduce them to better sense, hee was in no little perplexity how to behave himselfe, but how unseasonably, that I may not say carelessly, the event seemd to teach. For it seemd at that time neyther of both wayes was resolved. This may 140 bee urged out of Isnard's words in the same page; for when the next day after (which was the Nones of October) Montand beinge sicke, Soubran and Stanse were sent to receive from him the conditions on which they were to yeeld, as Isnard confesseth clearly and without any evasion; the Gentle and at that time over facile Lord Duke of Buckingham, saith Isnard a little after, replyed that they should propose to him what they desired; that is to say, the conditions hee had promised to declare, hee did as it were restore backe and redeliver unto their power. Our Lord Duke did perchance thinke the French were brought to that necessity that hee had spare time to dally a little with them, for certainly hee did not beleave that Forts could bee taken with that language with which hee would winne affection and good will at some Entry; Isnard therfore, not without 141 exultation, breaks forth into these words in the same page: The supreame Arbiter of all thinges, that he might deliver the beseeged from that great danger, so blinded the sense and minde of the Enemy, that, in an affaire so suddaine and oportune, as nothinge could bee more hurtfull then delay, hee did yet seeke occasion of deferringe it. How much more readily had one more expert and wise presently sett doune the conditions of surrendringe, and in one answer (yf possible) brought so uncertaine a busines to a conclusion and certainty. Isnard is not here much mistaken, for it seemes the divine Providence could not, or at least ought not, do more. For there was no want on that part yf our desires tooke not effect. This time, therfore, beinge part, Fate did as it were change itselfe, and instead of beinge Favorable unto us, turnd on the other side; 142 such is the vicissitude of thinges that those ocasions wee neclect others lay hold of; the slippery state of humaine affairs devolvinge (as it were) on others what-so-ever is not sufficiently held and appropriated by us. There is indeed one, but that for the most part a precipitate moment, allotted for the attaininge our desires, which beinge past wee in vaine require. Lastly, the eternall counsailes of thinges ly hid in the Majesty of Infinitnes, with which the will of man so cumplyes that what to us yet unresolved seemes indifferent, is so accepted before that Tribunall, becomminge then only necessary when our election hath determind it, the inferiour causes so conspiringe with the superiour: yet my Lord D. of Buckingham, least hee should seeme to bee slacke, when hee desired only to appeare courteous, thought good a little to contract the 143 time; therfore hee allowed 3 howers only for digestinge their demands and bringinge them to him, for wee were not then ignorant of certaine lightes kindled in the Continent of France and given by way of signall, nor of a winde which blew well for the bringinge over supplyes. Moreover Toiras, who with the changinge of the winde seemd to change his resolution, that he might a little protracte this time, sends a drumme to tell my Lord D. of Buckingham there were 4 sorts of men in the Cittadell, Priests, Voluntaries, souldgiers, and Islanders, that there was not time to capitulate for all these, therfore he desired to have respite till the next day. But my Lord Duke of Buckingham thought this delay little agreeable to the Protestations of the French, for hee admitted no difference amonge them but such as his owne indulgence might vouchsafe, 144 therfore hee caused the Cannon to bee shott, and wild fier and granades to be cast into the Cittadell. It trobled some of the Garrison not a little to find my Lord D. of Buckingham thus offended with them. Therfore, havinge complained awhile of their hard fortune they after not so much as muttered; for they feared to bee taxed of discurtisy and ingratitude, and in that regard to receave a greater punishiment. In the meane while, saith Isnard,pag. 158, whither famine did urge them or some greivous ill did presse them, the beseeged were brought to that straite that they attended the next day after the Nones of October for makinge of conditions and yeeldinge the Cittadell, or, as it is more clearly sett doune in the margent of the booke, the beseeged against the next day did meditate on the conditions of surrendringe and the surrendringe itselfe. They durst 145 now no more provoke the gentle disposition of my Lord Duke on perill of their lives. But in this desperate and only not lost state of thinges, 29 shippes, laden with souldgers and victualls, arrived to them. Isnard says here, in his Patheticall manner, Deum adfuisse e Machina. But with Lucian he should have said more aptly, θεον εχ μη&chiανης επι τω χ&alphaρχησιω χαθεζομενον unless perchance with Plato in his Cratylus, or Cicero de Naturâ Deorum, he had thought better to deride this proverb.

Chap. XVII.

Of this opportune helpe, which may be termed επι θυρας ηχειν, I have thought fitt to sett doune the History. Wee may observe before that Maupas, the sonne of Richardier, beinge accompanyed with many 146 shipps, did assay the Passage. This skillfull and expert seaman had taken such notice of all the corners and creekes of that coast, that the roades for their shipps and whole managinge of these affaires were ordered by him. Having, therfore, gotten together those thinges which might bee of use, his designe was in the night time with his navy to keepe the shoare, and so to slippe by our Guards, till at last havinge escaped them, with the benefitt both of sayle and ores hee had attained the Cittadell; by this meanes, hee supposed that presentinge himselfe on the suddaine before the body of our fleete, hee might bee taken for part of it, untill hee had made the Haven, and brought his shipps under the protection of the Cittadell. As for keepinge his course there was no difficulty; lights beinge so kindled in the Continent and Cittadell that each 147 of them did appeare together; and that this might bee done more securely, the winter season drawinge on, did afford both longer and darker nights; by which meanes 12 howers might bee allowed for a passage that was yet to bee performed in one hower only. Lastly, least hee should bee defective in pollicy and stratageme, hee imployed certaine spyes (under coullor of runnawayes from their side) to informe us that the way he ment to hold was on the other part; and that wee might give more creditt hereunto hee permitted them to tell some truthes. These thinges beinge done, his company goes a shippbord. His Navy consisted of xxxv shipps, 400 seamen, 300 souldgiers, lx chosen persons of the Nobility, amonge whom he calls some Regiæ, others sacri comitatus et aspectus ministri, and besides these Desplan, Beaulieu, Persac, Launè, 148 Rasilles, Cusac, Alduin, and other commanders, saith the obscure and somewhat plesant Author in this point. Isnard, pag. 159: About 4 in the after noone, the sunne inclininge to sett, the whole fleete begane to creepe alonge the shoare, but eyther the winde or their courage so failed them that they stayed all that night and the following day, Alduin only excepted, who by the force of weather was carried to Sables de Olone, saith Isnard, in the same page. The next night, which was somewhat darke, their courages beinge re-collected, and the worde beinge (Vive le Roy, passer ou mourir) when it was almost eight at night the fleete resolved to sett saile; yet here it lingred till aboute the second watch for want of flood, saith Isnard; but sure hee should have said ebbe, for they who sett saile expecte not the cominge in but 149 goinge out of the tide. At length, aboute the beginninge of the second watch, they lanchd forth, Maupas leadinge them, our men in the meane while expectinge in vaine on another part. It came so to passe that they arrived with out any resistance almost to the Cittadell (when the day was now ready to breake) Beaulieu and Launè only excepted, who, together with the shippe that carried them, came unto our hands. There wanted not yet some amonge us (who on that part of the sea which hath his name of the whales) with marvelous diligence attended this Fleete (which they accounted to make a pray of) relyinge therin on the Runnawayes' creditt, for whom therfore in much silence they watched. But the Erle of Lindesea beinge in his longe boate, and goinge a little out of the way, was the only man that discovered this Fleete and 150 pursued it first; yet the sea beinge high growne now, their shippes, by the benefitt of ores, escaped. Isnard produceth many reasons why so much time was spent in passinge this little cutt; therfore hee saith the wind slackned and the Fleete could not stirre, and together with these supposeth other causes, pag. 163. But ignorantly as hee is wont, for what man that is skilfull in maritime affaires doth not knowe that (in narrow channells espetially) the tide doth drive and ores sett on such shipps or gallies as theirs? But, yf creditt may bee given to our commentaries, the sky was both overcast and sea rough all that night. Besides, hee saith that the French did seeke away betweene a brasen showre of great Ordinance and a leaden one of small shott, p. 162. So in the 32 page he saith that our men did shoote brasen balls of fier. But what 151 a gross ignorance is this? For who will say that brasen balls or bullets are shott out of peeces? How much hee exposeth himselfe to scorne herein his owne Commanders must needs knowe. But it is no lesse absurde which Isnard relates of our Gables and high ropes where with their shipps were intangled. But yf it were easy to cutt those cables, why doth he complaine of the ropes? Is it because it was Furtiva Navigatio? pag. 162; yet the Merc. Franc, tom. xiv. p. 138, confesseth that Beaulieu and Launè were carried by my Lord Duke of Buckingham to England, and most courteously used, which Isnard suppresseth. There is no occasion that wee should speake of 5 shipps of the French which Isnard saith forsooke their course, for they did not so much as come to our light. The day now beganne to breake, when my Lord D. of 152 Buckingham, who had watched all that night neare the shoare, perceived some shipps makinge hast to the Cittadell: goinge therfore abord his barge, together with Sir William Courtney, he opposeth the whole fleete. But they with out any delay with-drew themselves into the Porte adjoyninge, as fearinge least our Fleete did chase them; but it was not so easy for us to pursue as for them to escape. For the greatest part of our shippes, followinge the doutfull creditt of runnaways, expected this Fleete in an other quarter. The English beinge thus deluded raged more then the sea itselfe; for they knewe the whole mystery consisted in this pointe, that the Garrison might bee kept from releefe at this time: yf this were not that their turne was next. For the English were then in great want of all thinges, and cheefly of health; 153 least yet any thinge should bee omitted that might bee to the purpose, a fier-shippe, by the favour of the tide and winde, was sett a flote, to fall into the Navy: but it succeeded not; for before it could take effect it was drawne a side by the French and consumed in his owne Flames. The day at length cleeringe our men did beate this navy with their great Shotte, wherby what harme they receaved, by letters not longe after intercepted, and now extant in Mr Mason's hand, (secretary to my Lord D. of Buckingham) may bee seene. Isnard saith that xx shipps only were broken and spoyld, but others more, yet the English were not content with this. Therfore they rann to the sands in two divisions, with intention to draw out the French to fight in a place altogether advantagious to them. But the garrison was so busy in takinge their provisions 154 out of their shipps that it was not easy to provoke them; havinge therfore fought at a distance some while, our men retyred themselves without receavinge any great hurte.

Chap. XVIII.

Our men were much trobled now that the pray was thus taken out of their hands. They did expecte that day eyther that the Cittadell would render, (as Isnard himselfe confesseth) or at least that the French Navy would fight with them (as the runnawaies made us beleeve), for that they had cc shipps in readines, (which Isnard mentions) besides axiliaries, even common fame did tell. But what so ever spyes sweare or forsweare hath still beene suspected by me. Therfore I have continually thought it so dangerous 155 a thinge to give any creditt to their relations, that unlesse reason induce me, their perswasions never should. The frame of businesses beinge now turned aboute, the French did also shew their slippery disposition. For though the conditions of surrendringe (lately in my Lord D. of Buckingham's power) were therfore restored backe, that beinge authorised and confirmed by the generall vote of the Garrison, they might bee brought againe and ratifyed to him, yet nothinge was effected thereby, which Isnard seemes to confesse, pag. 188, in these termes: At the same hower that Stanse and Soubran promised to returne to my Lord D. of Buckingham, and bringe in writinge the conditions of yeeldinge, by the comminge of supplyes the estate of businesses beinge changed into a farr other condition then was hoped, the beseeged beganne to shew flaggons of wine, Turkeys, Capons, 156 Neats tonges, and other provision on the toppe of their pikes. To change counsaile accordinge to occasion, nay to breake of one's promise cautiously, is no new thinge amonge enemies; but to falsify an Agreement, and to glory in that deceyt was never thought well of, neyther in enemy nor in any other person; wherfore then doth Isnard so rejoyce? Is it because himselfe would bee of the same opinion? But lett him take heed, least hee bee thought worse then they who professe the Punique and Infidell faith: for I doe not find in any Author that Nation yet did so glory in their deceyts. It greevd my Lord Duke of Buckingham now that hee had shewed this facillity, for he knewe at last Clemency did become a Commander, but not before the enemy was alredy overthrowne. That hee who should shew it sooner was like him that tooke up a fugitive 157 viper and put it in his bosome, hopinge thereby to make it more harmlesse; but it will presently manifest its condition; so that untimely mercy is worse then cruelty itselfe. Least yet hee should leave anythinge unattempted which might bee to the purpose, my Lord D. caused a myne to be sprunge. But neyther by this meanes was any great harme done to the beseeged; for the mine beinge not wrought farre enough, all went into smoke. The night followinge my Lord D. of Buckingham calls a counsaile and deliberates concerninge the maine affaires. At length, reasons beinge discussed on both sides, it was resolved to quitte the seege and to depart presently out of the Isle of Re. The Arguments on both sides shall bee severally sett doune hereafter, which therfore the reader may have recourse to, for I have not leasure to sett thinges doune twise. Certaine 158 ladders, therfore, appoynted for scalinge the walls, and the Pallisade placed before our workes for keepinge of the enemy, beinge taken away and pulld up, were an Argument to the Enemy that wee did now prepare to bee gone. Besides, that night our cannons in many places were shippt. Lastly, order was taken that our sicke souldgers should go abord as soone as they could. Hereupon the Rochellers, and Monsieur de Soubize himselfe, who had beene absent a good while, returnes to my Lord D. of Buckingham, and intreats him that hee would not desiste from his intentions, for that they were ready to assiste him with all thinges necessary. But my Lord D. replyed, that it was resolved by a counsaile of warre that hee should bee gone: that the season of the yeare beinge farre spent, and the want of lesser shipps which might 159 overtake the French, did admitte no other determination. They then calld my Lord Duke's promises to witnesse, implored his compassion, and lastly offerd some lesser shipps for this purpose, together with a supply of souldgers. These intreaties were much strengthned by Dolbiers cumminge out of England; for he, assuringe my Lord D. of Buckingham that our men were in readiness to take shippe, the seege was for a while restored. Hereupon 14 of the lesser sort of our shipps, being accompanyed with as many more of the Rochellers, were commanded to stay before the haven of Saint Martine's (in that nearenesse they could for the ebbe) therby to hinder that the Enemy might not come in with out their knowledge. Besides, it was deliberated againe concerninge the sinkinge of certaine shipps, laden with great stones, in the mouth of 160 the Haven. Breefly, the Rochellers omitted nothinge wherby their affaires might subsiste, for though at our arrivall they seemed necligent, now they were ingaged in the busines it was necessary for them not to leave it of; viii dayes beinge thus past and no saile appearinge from G. Brittaine, it was resolved againe to levell some workes neare the sea, and carry the rest of the great Ordinance to our shipps. The mutable state of affaires beinge thus often varyed, Kinge Lewis comes to Niorte. Courage beinge hereby added to the French, the Abbot Marsillac causeth a new fleete to bee put in order; for though our departure was already voyced in the French Court, as well by the runnawaies as Islanders, yet least through the comminge of my Lord of Holland wee should againe renew the seege, it was thought fitt at worst to releeve the Cittadell. 161 This fleete consisted of 15 shipps, xi pinaces, and xix lesser boates, part whereof was sent to St Martin's, the rest to the Forte de la pree. But, as they durst not easily provoke our seamen, (who were much angred at their last passage) so after they had begunne to sett sayle, they crept, though not all of them, into their lurkinge holes; for some indeed came to the Island, but not sooner than our men were gone thence, as Isnard himselfe confesseth in the page followinge. That there is a destiny in thinges (but such a one as doth establish the domination and power of Fortune) diverse antient and famous Authors did beleeve; the fore runner of which they made necessity, and consequently inferd that the proportion necessity held to Fate, Fate had to fortune. Wee have not leasure now to examine this obscure and in some part erronious doctrine. 162 Lett it suffice to remember hereuppon that a greivous necessity of departinge did now presse us. For to some there wanted victualls, to others health, and to many all thinges; when they had now, therfore, ceased aboute a fortnight from attemptinge the Cittadell, and had throwne doune some Batteries neare the sea, by the Testimony of Isnard, pag. 178, it was notorious to all men that wee meant to departe; the quicke fame hereof beinge transported by the Islanders and runnawayes unto the Continent, it was agreed againe to send more forces to the Fort de la Pree. Hereuppon, by the procurment of Beaumont, vii shipps, laden with souldgers, victualls, and ammunition, arrived thither safely, wee beinge now intentive on our departure. But the returne of Maupas from the Cittadell was not so fortunate (or, yf you will) unpunished. 163 For whilst in the dead of the night hee thought to slippe by our men, hee and all those with him were sunke. Yf the same Fortune had hapned to him before, wee had gotten together with the Isle of Re an advantagious peace; but at length though late ευρε θεος τον αλιτρον,, yf yet the Proverbe may bee thought to agree to a man so well deserving of his Cuntrey.

Chap. XIX.

It was now manifest to the French that wee did every where make ready for departure, and consequently that the way to the Forte de la Pree was open; therfore they presently ordered that the troopes of Plessis Pralin (which were in Oleron) should bee sent thither, whom those who were commanded by 164 Beaumont at Plambe should followe. These had charge so to fortify the grounds adjacent to the Forte that the Kinge's Army, consistinge of 6000 foote and 300 horse (as Merc. Franc, affirmeth, t. xiii. p. 148) might conveniently bee lodged there in; and that these might want nothinge, Meale, wine, Saltmeats, Hay, Otes, wood, Amunition, biskett, and shooes, were brought in great store and number, which may bee an argument that the French did not so much thinke of forcinge us away as of protractinge the warre and takinge advantages: yet could they have done nothinge unlesse the necessity of all thinges had every day more and more incomodated us. In the meane while our late determination of goinge away was a little retarded now by some fresh hopes of my Lord of Holland's comminge. For though my Lord D. of Buckingham, by letters 165 written not longe before to my Lord of Holland, had declared his purpose of departinge, and consequently had rejected all supplies as unusefull at this time, yet in a latter Epistle hee declared that his purpose (through the Rochellers intreaties) was altered, and that hee should bee glad to see him; a flyinge reporte hereuppon was raysed that my Lord of Holland would arrive shortly: besides, the Rochellers, who had much exhausted their Gardners to assist us, intreated ernestly that they might not bee forsaken in this calamitous time. For they said it would come to passe, that themselves beinge destitute of those provisions where with they furnished us must become a pray to the Enemy that was lodged under their walls. To the intent in the meane while wee might the better attende those supplyes from G. Brittaine, they delivered for monney a 166 great part of that store which remaind; my Lord D. of Buckingham beinge wonne with these helps and praiers of the Rochellers determines againe to restore his men to their stations, and to beate the Cittadell with some few iron peeces which were left. But that he might involve himselfe in the Fate of the Rochellers, or (yf you will) them in his: for as they were not in so good intelligence at that time with their fellowe confederates, so beinge frustrate of the expected helpe from thence they were brought to much extremity. But they ought to remember that it doth ever happen so where neyther the cause is approved by all, nor the same Necessity equally binds. My Lord D. of Buckingham in the meane while, beinge not sufficiently constant to his first resolution, overthrowes both his owne and frends affaires. It is 167 said of old, [Greek]: yf his Exellency had thought well of this, or perchance some other thinge more gentle, hee would sure with the time of the yeare have with drawne himselfe; for after this moment it seemd no occasion of doinge any thinge well was offerd. My Lord D. of Buckingham beinge a little refreshed with this fatall helpe, (which did alike prejudice both partes) to the great wonder of the French, beginns the seege againe and makes new approches; but with all thought of his departure, unlesse some timly helpe came from England; therfore he caused some works to bee raysed in the way hee was to retyre to his shipps. Of which determination the French were not ignorant, as wee may see in Isnard, pag. 180. Through a great mistakinge in the mean while, that halfe moone, which should have beene before the entrance 168 of the Dike which leads to the Isle of L'oye, was raysed at the farther end most preposterously; it came so to passe that neyther on the one side we could conveniently fight nor hansomly retyre on the other; what therfore in both kinds might have advanced our designes proved hurtfull every way. The Garrison now was not a little affraide to see themselves more hardly prest then before; for after they perceived some Batteries leveld and the great Ordinance carried away, they assured themselves my Lord D. of Buckingham had no purpose to continue the seege; beinge therefore wittily fearfull they suspected some stratageme. This suspition did not a little increase that some of the French Nobility, who were wholly intentive to send more forces to the Forte de la Pree, had now desisted for the space of 7 dayes, and attempted nothinge. But Isnard 169 saith the winde was contrary, pag. 184; yet yf it were contrary to those who came from the Continent, how could it not bee favorable to Toiras sendinge thither? yet Isnard saith no such winde did blowe for many dayes. I suspect, therfore, some contradiction here in. To cleare these doubts, Toiras inquires amonge the souldgers yf perchance any might bee perswaded to runne the hazard of breakinge through our army, and goinge to the Forte de la Pree. For it appeared to him, by no obscure arguments, that some Forces were arrived there a good while since; whereuppon Samprevil, Langalier, and Rouvigny, freely offerd themselves; to whom Ville Chartres (beinge a native of the Island) was adjoyned for chusinge their way. At lengthe the busines was carried by a fine Pollicy of warre. For when they were ready to sett forth, on the 170 one side the Garrison pretended to make a sally; on the other side they were pursued with cries of tues, tues, as yf they had beene enemies, not frends; lastly, they shott towards them with their cannon (but over their heads) untill they had past our Guards. Our men at first knewe not what to doe, they appearinge on those sands where many times both parts did meete to fight. Thinkinge it better, therfore, to spare an enemy then hurte a frend, they all escaped but Langalier, who by the fall of his horse came to our hands, they in the meane while who sallyed forth retyringe themselves with in their fortifications. My Lord D. of Buckingham's determination of departure was not so secrett but that, when the Islanders and runnawayes sayd nothinge, even his works at the Isle of L'oye did sufficiently publish it. But neyther was the enemy ignorant of 171 the great want in which we stood, now that wee had consumed the Provisions with which the Rochellers did furnish us, and consequently that wee could not be supplyed any more but to their utter ruine. My Lord Duke also considering this thought fitt to obey the common Necessity, and so to depart out of the Island, unlesse perchance the French would fight with him, and hereof hee conceived hope, since hee heard some Forces were arrived at the Forte de la Pree, for Samprevil, the runnawayes, and Islanders, had so represented the weaknesse of our numbers, the demollishinge our batteries, and the shippinge of our Cannons, that they thought fitt to delay the time no longer. For though that Nation hath beene often overthrowne by us, yet to shew it selfe so awed and affrighted that it durst not so much as indure the sight of our departinge men was 172 never observed in any age. To take away this imputation, therfore, those Troops, who had forborne now a great while upon the newes of our stay to passe to the Forte de la Pree, were hastned away. Besides, Samprevil was sent to Toiras to confirme and strengthen the faintinge harts of the Garrison with hope of supplyes, and with all to informe him what might bee most conveniently donne by the Garrison on eyther side for mutuall support uppon all occasions.

Chap. XX.

Aboute this time D'Epesse, the French Kinge's Ambassador in the Lowe-Cuntreyes, when hee had heard, by the meanes of certaine trecherous spyes, that Sir Sakville Trever was commanded, at his 173 returne from Hamburg, to take certaine French shipps, built at Texel, from out of the Harbour, thought fitt to informe the Senate hereof; but the states replyed, there was no danger in that part, they havinge besides 8 shipps of warre, which were in guarde there perpetually, 6 other newly returned from a longe voyage; that these were stronger and vigilanter then that our men could do any thinge without their knowledge or consent. But Trever, with out any apprehension hereof, when he drew neare, meets by chance a low-cuntrey skiffe, and desires the Master (it beinge now towards sun sett) to shew him the French shipps, but could not prevaile so farre. Then Sir Sakvil threatned Irons and manacles; not-with-standinge which hee could have effected nothinge (as the same Author affirmed to me) unlesse hee had promised him a great 174 rewarde. It was thought good here to beginne with a great shippe, which Toiras had built at his owne charge. The Master of this shippe, who by the meanes of D'Epesse could not bee ignorant of our designes, suspectinge the approach of this unknowne shippe, shootes of his great Ordinance first. But Trever forbeares not for all this to draw neare, and at last givinge a broad side, shott the French shippe through and through. Sir Sakvile hereuppon heard such a pitifull cry as hee doth not remember ever to have heard the like. This beinge appeased, the first articulate and distinct voyce he could heare yeelded it selfe, together with all the shippe, to his mercy. These comminge abord our shippe, others are sent to enter theirs, which beinge done, Sir Sakvil determines to lay abord the other shipps, which were not farr of. To this purpose hee 175 caused some other shipps which were in consort with him to drawe neare and assiste him. But the French, who by the shootinge could not bee ignorant of what was done, havinge first lightned their shipps, with great danger and difficulty passed over some shoales, and so at last escaped us. As soone as D'Epesse knewe that Toiras' shippe was taken, he runnes to the States and implores their promise first, and after their assistance, wittily strengthning his intreatyes with many reasons conducinge thereunto; finally, hee adds some threats. But that fearlesse Senate could not be stird with this kinde of language. Becomming, therefore, more gentle, hee obtaines of the States that they would send one to Sir Sakvil Trever to demand restitution. This beinge done, Trever remonstrates that warre beinge now betwixt both Nations it was 176 permitted to do so even by the law of Armes: neyther did it hinder that he had done this in a harbor of theirs, it beinge an Article of the confederacy betwixt both Nations to go into each others Ports and take shipps from thence. Therfore, unlesse hee might go away with this Prize, that they should no more take any Dunkerkers out of our havens; while the States maturly considerd these thinges, Trever, havinge gotten a faire winde, bringes away with him this great shippe, which was calld Saint Esprit, and presents it to his Majesty. Together with this shippe were taken xx whole brasse Culverins, ii demy Culverins, xvi great Iron peeces, and ii lesser, which beinge all aptly disposed aboute this shippe, did argue it to bee stronger then that it should bee so easily taken. In the hould of the shippe was found ii great peeces, more 177 Armes for aboute 2000 souldgiers, lxxx barrells of gunpowder, all which was brought into England. A little before also other French shipps were so frequently taken, that the states of France, by a publique edict, dated 17th May the same year, did provide that none of their shipps should go farr into the Sea; but yf they had occasion for the transportinge of any commodities or Merchandize from one part to an other of their dominions, that they should carry them in small shallops, which coastinge alonge the shoare might escape to land before our men could reach them. Not-with-standinge which both captaine Penninton and diverse other of our sea men, as well in France as in Cannada itselfe, did in despite of resistance enter their Havens, and sunke or brought away all the shipps they could meete with, not so much as one of our good 178 shipps beinge lost in all that time. In the meane while Penninton alone gott for his part xxxiv shipps, furnished with great Ordinance and laden with Merchandize.

Chap. XXI.

It is time now to sett doune the choyce and number of those forces, which, upon notice of our departure, came to the Isle of Re, followinge herein the creditt of the French writers. And first I shall remember Monsieur de Shomberge, both as hee is an expert and brave souldger, as that the Administration of all thinges was committed to him. Hee takes Marillac for his assistante, the Kinge himselfe chosinge the Colonells, Captaines, and other officers; for that they [were] particularly and even (as it were) man by man pickd out and selected by the Kinge's owne 179 hands the French Merc, doth sufficiently declare, tom. 14. pag. 168; yet Isnard suppresseth this, fearing perchance that what was but carefullnes and Providence in that Kinge might bee attributed to Feare. But this was wisely done, for hee did thereby adde no little courage to his souldgers, which Isnard doth as it were confesse, pag. 190 et 191, while he represents the souldgers speakinge thus: And why may not I, Kinge, hazard myselfe and have leave to passe? But the Kinge replied, what yf all go to the Island, shall I defend the Continent alone and remaine in the quarter? Besides, Isnard doth note his vigilancy in these words, pag. 187: In the night season his cares denying him rest, he rose out of his bed and listned after the weather with his eares, (as the Poet saith) and by causinge a Lanthorne to bee brought to the windowe over 180 against which a vane was placed, he observed the night winds that blewe. The same Author remarketh also that hee had with him continually a needle and compasse after his arrivall to the Army. All which I have the more willingly inserted, both that the vigilancy of that Kinge might remaine testified to posterity, as also that it may bee an argument how our small and sickly companies, and those too but halfe armed ever since our cannon was shippt, were not despised, but that as much care was used to force them out of Re as yf an huge army had beene there. Besides, Isnard saith that hee had an Ichnographua (or Ichnographia) of all the Havens in the Island; but amiss; for Ichnography signifyes a ground plott, and doth inferre somethinge built or to bee built thereuppon. But neyther is this to bee omitted, which is affirmed by the 181 same Author, pag. 191, whilest he makes his Kinge designinge formes of battailes in divers kinds, and that hee was so well instructed in all places of the Island, that he could tell how to take all advantages of us as perfectly as yf he were personally present. They who are said to have beene in this Servise are accounted 4400, besides Colonells, Captaines, and other officers, Merc. Fran. 169. The same Author a little after mentions CL. horse, but of that sort which are called Maistres, and that they had their servants and spare horses is well knowne to all who are but a little versed in the affaires of France, therfore I doubt not but their Cavallerie consisted of ccc at least. Besides, the same Author confesseth as much, pag. 148. To these then were added all the voluntaries, who were choyse and Prime Noblemen, and together with these 182 the Garrisons, (which were at least 3000, as Samprevil is said by our Commentaries to have acknowledged) were to bee accounted, unlesse you excepte those whom sicknes or weapon had destroyed. Lastly, the Islanders might bee reckoned, who, that they might recover the favour of their former Masters, offerd themselves in great number. Isnard himselfe is not farr shorte of this account, unlesse perchance you say his expression is more intricate. Our numbers compared with those will appeare farr shorte, for wee were scarsly 3300 foote, scarse lx horse, with groomes and all. Out of these againe must bee deducted those who were lost in the last assault, and who dyed by sicknes, so that the French foote must be more then duble in number to ours, and the horse Quintuple, or five times more. I am not ignorant yett but that yf Souldgers 183 were reckoned by the Collours that were flyinge, that not only the 6000 which came to the Island, but some Auxiliaryes also might bee accounted. For though the souldgers died, though their pay was kept backe, there remained ever some Captaine, or levetenant, or Ensigne. But how much this reconninge might deceive us may be gathered by this, that some had not twenty, others not so much as 12 in their Companyes. As for horse, though wee might confesse them indeede to bee lx, yet were they so poore, for want of good Hay and Provender, that they seemd hide bound, and indeed could hardly support so much as their owne burdens. Hereunto may be added the sickly and infirme estate of our men, which was such, that though many kept not their bed for it, yet none almost. were free from some attaints. In this miserable condition of 184 affaires, yf the French yet had had the courage to have fought it out, wee should not deny but that they might have had some Coullor to glorify themselves. But how farr they were from any such generous designe the French Authors or (yf you will) the event it selfe doth shew. Lett the impartiall reader, therfore, judge what honor the French can justly arrogate to themselves. Their names who were in this expedition being by others sufficiently declared, it shall bee enough for us to deliver those only which the context of the History requires. A Porte of the Continent, which they call Plomb, was thought most convenient for this transportation, as beinge the nearest to the Cittadell; here, therfore, the rendezvous was given by the Cardinall's commandment. But Monsieur Schomberge, for great reasons, thought best to go first to the Isle of 185 Oleron, and from thence to crosse over to Re, as knowinge there were but few Guards on that parte, especially since our men resolved a departure. Isnard saith that this change of advise did much troble the Cardinall, especially since there was a demand made of some more shipps and victualls, pag. 192. These thinges beinge gotten together Schomberge goes to Oleron, where findinge Marillac ready with lxxx shipps to sett saile, hee commands him to attende till hee were ready to accompany him; but it seemes strange, and in a sort unpossible, which Isnard reports a little after; for, saith he, they scarse begane to sett sayle, when the wind beinge turned cleane contrary, the Navy held a diverse course, and was eyther becalmed the space of 6 dayes and nights together, or ridd at Anchor, not a whitt advancing, bending now 186 to Brouage and then to Oleron, then to Charante, and after to the Isle of Aix. But why should not a winde that brought them such diverse waies not bringe them to the Isle of Re, for which any side wind would sufficiently serve ? Besides that the Navy for the most part was made of Gallyes, or at least such as go with ores. Skilfull seamen, therfore, will suspect some other cause of stay; for the cutt was shortt, and almost to be passd with any winde. While Monsieur Schombergh frees himselfe from these difficultyes, commande was given to Monsieur de Bassompierre (famous in the Arts both of Peace and Armes) and to Monsieur de Hallier to prepare an other Navy; by which meanes 800 of the Kinge's Guard, 400 of Beaumont's Regiment, and xxx great horse of the Kinge's troopes, furnished with victualls and Amunition, (and particularly 3 brasse peeces) came to the 187 Forte de la Prè; yet Monsieur de Schomberg was not come. The French Merc, also, pag. 174, and Isnard, 193, speakes of 100,000 loaves and great store of horse meat brought to the Isle of Re, which may sufficiently argue that their designe was not so much to fight with us as to defende the Forte de la Pree, and make approches towards our Quarter out of it, especially if that provision which was brought before (as the same Authors confesse) bee together accounted, for it seemes they were provided for certaine months. To him that thinkes otherwise yet, it may bee urged that their Army was greater then is reported, and so much the rather that the same Author affirmes other forces were past over from Plomb and Brouage. 188

Chap. XXII.

An undoubted report of the French men's comminge beinge now brought to my Lord Duke of Buckingham, he thought fit to attempt somethinge against them. For his generous disposition could not abide that any necessity of departure should bee imposed on him by an Enemy that had already resisted famine, sicknes, and such unseasonable weather; selecting, therfore, out of his quarter and the villages adjoyninge 500 foote, (amonge whome some of the Reformed were) and addinge 40 horse, he determind to march strait to that coast of the Island where the French were to land. The French havinge notice given hereof (which Isnard acknowledgeth, pag. 195) prepare themselves with the Garrison of de la Pree to encounter us, and 189 for this purpose put their men in order. But my Lord D. of Buckingham, by the confession of the same Author, came not sooner then two howers after. The cause hereof our Commentaries reject, partly on the darknes of the night, and partly on that our Companies were selected out of severall and distant places; for it was not thought fitt eyther to weaken our trenches so much, or to take all the souldgers out of every village, but to cutte out some from diverse places. But because my Lord Duke thought a great part of the successe of this Action would consiste in Speede hee takes those only who were at hand. At length, the French hearinge us comminge in a rounde march towards them, their sentinells gave fier; wee thereupon, supposinge the whole Army was neare at hand, gave them a volley. But they beinge a farre of received 190 but little harme at this time. They now takinge this advantage beginne the fight, wee on the other side receivinge them couragiously though duble in number to us. The fight continued a good while with shotte only, at length the Piques joynd. But the French beinge at last beaten rann away to their fortifications, so much terror invadinge them, saith Isnard, pag. 197, as hee that saw it confessed he never saw the like. It seemes, therefore, not unprobable, which a certaine Englishman reported who was in this action. For when the French beinge routed, one of the Reformed relligion followed them with these words of tuez, tuez, some one of those who fledd desired his Fellowe to take hart and fight, sayinge, Courage, Messieurs, ces ne sont que des François. But lett the creditt of this remaine with the Author. This at least is not to 191 bee conceald which Isnard reports. That yf our men had pursued their point they had made a great slaughter of the French. Isnard alleadgeth (perchance not without reason) the cause of this terror which his Cuntreymen were in, to bee the suddaine Navigation, the tossinge in their shipps, the ignorance of the place where they encountred, and the darke and horrible time of fightinge in the night season. But when he saith his Contreymen beinge surprised were constrained to fight, hee contradicts himselfe; for that they were forewarned of our comminge, and stood in good order to receive us for the space of 2 howers, Isnard himselfe confesseth, pag. 195. Least in the meane while it should seeme strange that his Cuntreymen were so routed, hee excuseth it by reason some commanders and horse were not landed; yet hee confesseth that 192 Monsieur de Canaples, Fourilles, and Porcheux, and many others were on shore and in this fight, and why not the rest as-well in those 2 howers they expected. Least posterity in the meane while should bee ignorant why the French at this time weare not wholly defeated and cutt in peeces, let them take this reason out of my commentaries. For in the pursuite of the flyinge French our men, fallinge into a marshy deepe ground, stucke there so fast that the enemy, beinge skilfull of the wayes, got into their fortifications before our men were able to free themselves from the mire. It can not therfore seeme strange, in a darke night and unknowne wayes, yf they escaped; this did not hinder our men yet, as soone as possible they could recover themselves, to runne up the Forte and provoke the Garrison and new-come French to fight. 193 But they, keepinge them-selves with in their hold, shott a farre of at us. My Lord Duke of Buckingham in the meane while, who found this place of more difficulty then that his few men could take it, (and the rather that many appointed to bee there were not yet come) the day now beginninge to breake, sounded a retreate; our men retyringe thereuppon received some harme, for they had so good ayme now as it was not easy to misse. Isnard saith l. of our men were killd; Merc. F. xxxviii; but our relation doth not confesse so many: of the Frenchmen's part, Mansan, Persemon, Barilles, Pensamont, are numbred, and others also sore wounded, whose names the French conceale from us. But as the enemy was much obscured by darknes of night and runninge away, so it can not seeme strange yf they labored for many 194 reasons to conceale their losses. My Lord Duke of Buckingham havinge gotten this glorious victory, returnes to his quarter, and yf with an intention to make a speedy departure, hee had gone away famous for many brave Actions; but his thoughts were farre other wise. For after hee had heard the enemy was landed nothinge seemd so tedious as delayinge a fight: our souldgers also with the same alacrity desire it; so they might come to blows they promise to overcome hunger with patience, and sicknes with any honorable death; but how seasonably will appeare straitwayes. My Lord D. of Buckingham, (who beinge come to his quarter) found the approches neare the Bastion of Antioch possessed by the enemy, commands Seargeant Maior Standish to recover them. Here was a hott fight; for the French, who had leveled the trenches when wee 195 were absent, defended this place with much vigor. Our men, on the other side, takinge it ill that this peece of ground (bought at the price of some of their blood) should bee thus taken away, repulsed the Frenchmen with that fortitude that they at last regained it. Many of the French were slaine, amonge whom Bessac and Vassan are recounted by the French M. pag. 198. Some of our men also who were of note the Cannon bullet from the Cittadell tore in peeces, but because wee were repossest of our trenches this losse was not much esteemd. 196

Chap. XXIII.

All our souldgers did not their duties before the Cittadell of Saint Martin's, but some, as wee shewed before, were quartered in the villages adjoyninge. Amonge them my Lord Mountjoye and a little troope of horse garded La Flotte. This Troope (which Isnard absurdly calls Emeritus, pag. 198, as hee doth his owne, pag. 118) that it might bee drawne into an Ambuscade, the newly arrived French sent 6 horse men, whom our Guards perceiving chased even to the Forte de la Pree. But as soone as they perceived those who lay in waite for them, they retyred themselves in good order, with-out receavinge much harme. The passage beinge now happily assayed many times, the French were no longer slowe in sendinge of supplyes, 197 where uppon, both from the Continent and Oleron, there came those numbers that they molested us with continuall incursions. The successe here was various, inclininge some time to our and other whiles to the French side, but our men thought it sufficient yf they preserved their stations in those unfortefied places, though when occasion was given they feared not likewise to sally forth. Amonge the many encounters which happened aboute this time Isnard saith one was unfortunate to us, of which yet I find no mention in our Commentaries. But, as farr as I may conjecture, it was no other then that which by my Lord Mountjoye's relation hapned thus. For whilst in a darke night our men chased the French, it happened they were so mingled together as that there was no meanes to discerne each other, therfore they would neyther 198 speake on the one side, to avoyde discoveringe themselves to the enemy, nor strike on the other for feare of hurtinge their frends, till this doubtfull pursuit had brought them with in the Fortification and power of the enemy. The French beinge puffd up with this good successe, and the numbers which continually flocked to the Island, beganne now to appeare abroad more frequently, especially where wee kept no guards, and the rather that they heard from the inhabitants of La Flotte and Saint Marie's, as Isnard saith, pag. 199, our men were takinge shippe; for businesses indeed were brought to that passe, that, whether victors or vanquished, there was a necessity of departinge. For his Majesties Navy in a stormy season not ridinge safe, espetially now their Cables could scarce hold, were in danger of loosinge their Anchors. But this was 199 worse yet that our Shipps were so foule that they felt not their rudders. Besides, our souldgers and marriners were all so weake with want of victualls, or cast doune for want of health, that the best remedy for sicknes was their scarsity of meate, and for scarsity of meate their sicknes; the vicissitude of miseries beinge thus turned on our-selves. Besides, the French Authors themselves reporte that our Cannon was carried a shippboord. Breefly, now there was no occasion to stay but such as would have affrighted away any other; that is, my Lord Duke of Buckingham was ashamed to departe now the enemy drew neare, and so much the rather as their number was greater, or the hope of fightinge more assured. After, therfore, hee had expected certaine days in vaine a summons from some Herald to fight, he resolves to give a generall 200 assault to the Cittadell, (though intermitted all this while) as beleevinge that yf he could gett in that hee should have that Provision in it which was lately brought, and there also might attend his slowe supplyes out of England; and that hee might winne it hope was given by certaine runnawayes, who affirmed that many in the Garrison languishd, and others were dead of a Dysenterie, which Isnard himselfe confesseth. Also hee understood, from good part, that the walls were not yet finished on the further side of the Cittadell. Besides, those of the Relligion were ernest suiters that hee would not leave of that which was easy to bee done, and would gaine him much honor, espetially in a time when that Garrison (who could little dreame of any such intention) might bee easily surprised. In the meane while, least they should bee thought to do any 201 thinge wherein they would not themselves runne the common danger, they offerd that some of theirs should go before and conducte us through the by wayes and turninges that ledde to that place. The assault beinge thus resolved, the French prisoners, of which there were many of good sort, beinge first sent to the shippes, my Lord D. of Buckingham commands longe ladders and other necessaries for this purpose to bee provided; yet this busines was not so carried but the same thereof was brought to Toiras, and from him sent to the Fort de la Pree, which the Author of the Merc. Franc, confesseth, 184. The strangenes hereof did awhile astonish the Garrison of eyther place; for it was manifest, besides other arguments of our departure, that diverse of our men were gott a shippboord. But at last recollectinge themselves, the one part 202 resolved to defend, the other to do all was possible for mutuall Succour. Toiras, therfore, the night before assigned the places which the smalle shott was to guard cheefly, and who were to make good the parapetts, and pointed his Cannon where it might bee of most use. For hee knewe as soone as our Ordenance had shotte thrise that the signall of assault was given, which the Merc. F. confesseth, pag. 185. But Monsieur de Canaples, with no lesse diligence (as havinge the conduct of all thinges in the absence of Monsieur de Schomberg) calls before him Beaumont, Plessis Pralin, Comminges, the Marquis of Montespan, and other Noblemen which were now come to the Forte de la Pree, and desires their opinions of what was fittest to bee done. At length it was agreed, with one consent, by breake of day to put their men in order, and so to march to 203 the Cittadell of Saint Martin's (as soone as they should heare the signall) and force our men from their intended assault, for so the Author of the French Merc. confesseth plainly, p. 185. Havinge, therfore, sent some spyes towards our quarter, they found that from midnight thinges were preparinge for this busines; hereof, therefore, they thought good to advertise Toiras, and with all to assure him that they were in readines to assiste him.

Chap. XXIV.

The day beginninge to breake those Frenchmen who were to shew the way presented themselves; ladders also were brought, but much shorter then was requisite; for beinge applied to the walls they did not reach them. In this unfortunate 204 and unusuall manner of assaylinge our men yet bravely attempted the Cittadell. Havinge, therfore, sunge a Psalme, accordinge to their wonted custome, they ranne in two divisions and reared some xl ladders against the out workes and Cittadell, but findinge them not come neare the toppe by almost a 5th part in many places, they carried them to another; aboute 2000 of our men undertooke those workes which were next the Bastion of Toiras in this fashion; you would have said yet they did not so much pretende to victory as to a brave and honorable death. For when they almost attained the height of their ladders, and had no further meanes to go on, castinge their threatninge eies aboute, they remained unmoveable till they were shott and tumbled doune. This hindred not their fellowes yet to followe; but they also, when they had gott up as high as 205 they could, and no other place appeared whither they might transporte their ladders, fallinge doune died likwise, but not with one wound only, for Isnard, pag. 204, confesseth . some were persed with 5 or 6 bulletts a peece. It is said, Toiras beholdinge this action did pitty the condition of so valiant men, undertakinge so impossible a worke; such effects could virtue produce even in an enemy. But the attempt of our men at the Bastion of Antioch fell not out so ill; for an assault beinge given on that side with eight hundred of our men, the Garrison was beaten from their outworke (which had his diche and other defences before that Bastion) into the counterscarpe and fortification of that Cittadell, not without losse of many on their part. But here the strength of the place barrd all further accesse, it beinge in vaine to go aboute to 206 passe a deepe ditch or to reare shorte ladders against so high walls, where the enemyes shott flanked us; yet did our men slowly, and as it were unwillingly, and not for this cause only, retire themselves; for though in the heate of the fight the French guides did forsake us, (as our commentaries reporte) and consequently, by the rules of warre, wee were not obliged to proceede any further, they did still insiste, till my Lord D. of Buckingham, beinge warned of the Enemyes approch, commanded a retreate. Wee related before how it was agreed betwixt the garrison on eyther part to releive each other. By the first dawninge of the day, therfore, not only the Garrison of the other Forte, but the newly arrived French, marched towards us in this forme of Battaile, which the Author of the French Mercury exhibits. 207 For they were not ignorant now a good while what passd, yet they made no great hast; for comminge to la Flotte they mett a little troope of horse, which my Lord Mountjoye commanded, of whome part made speede to my Lord Duke, to give him warninge of the enemies approach, the rest retreatinge by little and little and in very good order before these strong forces of the Enemy, entertained them so as their fellowe souldgers might have more time to finish their businesses. My Lord D. of Buckingham understandinge now that these forces drewe neare, calls his souldgers together and putts them in good order. This yet was not done so speedily but that the Enemy was already come in sight. But findinge our men ready to encounter them they made a stande, and a while after (as yf they had changed opinion) withdrewe themselves backe towards 208 the Fort de la Pree. The Author of the French Mercury, pag. 188, sayde that my Lord D. followed them as farre as la Flotte, but they were only 500 of our men, who thinkinge it enough to have chaced the enemy away, and recover the village of la Flotte, permitted the French quietly to retyre themselves to their quarter. The French Mercury desires to excuse this departure, that I may not say flight in any kinde. For he saith his Cuntreymen stoode in battaile array at xxx pases distance only from our trenches a good halfe hower. But what can bee more idle then this? For yf there were no fortification on that side of our trenches, nor barricades to hinder them, why did they not assaile? why did they not overthrow persons who were tyred out with the fury of their owne difficult attempt? why did not the Garrison sally out on the other side? 209 what might not men (double in number to ours) performe in this kinde? But the same Author, though falsely, saith the night drewe on. But how then was the day spent? was it taken up wholly in passinge this little quantity of ground, which might be gone over in the space of one or at most 2 howers only, for the 2 Fortes stood no further of? Will they not say perchance that the little troope of my Lord Mountjoye's, which was composed only of xxxv horse, did so hinder them as it was not possible to breake through, or make their way to our men who were wery with fightinge, and hardly yet brought into good order? why, at least, did they not seyse on la Flotte in their retreate? Did they perchance doubt the affection of the inhabitants? This certainly could not seeme so hard, when our best men were lost or wounded in this assault, of whom 210 Cxlvii were buried in the Trenches before the Cittadell, as hee who had charge thereof assured me: some that were wounded then also died afterwards; but what men were they in whose dead Faces even threats appeared? It greeved them that those only impediments stood in their way which neyther force nor Arte could overcome; yf this had beene sufficiently manifest to my Lord Duke hee would not so soone have accorded to the desire of the Reformed, who persuaded this attempt. But there is no reason that persons who for the rest were valiant should for this Action only suffer in their reputation. Isnard saith of the beseeged that Sardaigne, Grandevalle, and aboute xx other were slaine in this Action, pag. 125. But our Commentaryes recite many more, which Isnard him-selfe doth seeme to confesse, pag. 208, where he affirmes that many in 211 the middest of this fight, without receivinge any wound at all, their spiritts faylinge them, did breath out their Last.

Chap. XXV.

My Lord D. of Buckingham's determination to departe now was no longer questionable, for what the French could not do hee did himselfe, givinge order to levell his approches and fill up the trenches; yet here some stay was made through the prayers of the Reformed, for, in the name of the Rochellers, they ernestly entreated that his Exellency would not departe the Island till they had gott in so much corne as might supply that wherewith they furnished us, otherwise that they must perish. The indulgent and gentle hart of my Lord D. of Buckingham was much 212 perplexed here at, to whome goinge away seemd greevious, and stay full of danger. But because through parsimony and sufferance hee was assured that victualls might bee made to last yet some few dayes, his departure was not so timly as it ought. It came so to passe that the Cittadell seemd neyther beseeged enough nor sett free. Monsieur de Canaples, to find out the reason of this strange proceedinge, (for Monsieur de Schombergh was not yet come) sends to demande leave (saith Isnard, pag. 209) that he might send 2 or 3 Noblemen who were hurte in the last conflicte unto the Continent. The generous Duke answered (saith Isnard a little after) that hee would not only permitt the sicke and wounded, but the sound and whole, to have free passage shortly; that he was determined to leave the Island and gett aborde his shippes before new forces came 213 thither; that hee would not hazard his men, who were tyred with a longe seege, against fresh forces, least they should glory they had chased him out of the Island; but that the Honor of havinge defended the Cittadell belonged to Toiras only, through whose invincible patience and courage (beinge above all constraint) hee must confesse himselfe overcome. This also he is sayd by Isnard to have confessed to Toiras himselfe, by a Noble Person whom he sent to him the same day to bidd him farewell, as beinge in readines to retyre himselfe, together with his army, unto his shipps, and with all to gratulate the Honor of defendinge the Cittadell and of his flight thence, which yet, as he unwillingly acknowledged, so hee must envy to him. This last period is not in the booke calld la descente des Anglois; it is likely, therfore, that our recocted 214 scribe devised this of his owne braines, for hee every where followes that Author, save where hee adds his owne false inventions, of which kinde certainly this is one. For that my Lord Duke never thought nor spake in this sense I dare confidently affirme; for what person that knewe my Lord Duke can beleeve that hee would attribute this word flight to himselfe: 'Αλλ ουχ ενεστι σεχοφαντου δηγματος But the French Merc, gives a more succinct and probable relation of my Lord Duke's Epistle to Monsieur de Canaples, pag. 188. That after 3 dayes hee would give a free passage to all men. That his forces were so tyred and weakened with a longe seege that the French should have no great honor to fight with them. That sicknes and Toiras' constancy (to whom all glory was due) had prevayled so farr that hee now thought of a retrayt. Not 215 with-standinge that hee promised hee would shew them one sinrazon or Paradoxall action more, which was, that nothinge could be more acceptable to him then to see them with their armes in their hands in such a place as they might fight it out. Thus farr this Author. But what more ouvert, what more glorious wordes could any man utter? Hee is so farr from refusinge fight that hee demands it. Neyther could a world of mischeefs now comminge on deferre him, of which before I related some part; yet this unreverent and impudent fellowe makes no difficulty in the beginninge of this booke to place, as a Frontispiece, Fuga Anglorum a Rea Insula. But can hee call that a flight which after 3 monthes stay (unavoydable necessity at last compellinge him) was but a military retrayt? Is that a flight which was indeed but a marchinge 216 to such a place as was fitt for cumbatt? Such a marchinge, I say, as Isnard ought not to diminish or derogate anythinge even from the very Majesty of it: for in good order, before a great and choyce army for a whole dayes space, our men withdrew themselves soft and faire, and not with-out ostentation, until despayringe of fight they shutt up themselves in such straits, before they were aware, as men who might bee said [Greek], could not have resisted an enemy upon those termes; what besides was done wee will straitwayes declare. How much more modestly did he write who calld his booke descent des Anglois ? For hee calls it not Fuitte des Anglois. Besides, in the very beginninge, together with our misfortune under the word retraite, hee acknowledgeth our voluntary departure; and that Isnard followes this Author wee have 217 often observed, save where hee makes a writer who is adverse enough to us more injurious yet, sometimes by his vile translatinge, and other whiles by foolish comments on the Text.

Chap. XXVI.

Now every day fresh troopes of the French arrived; amonge these Meniere brings a brave party, composed of 300 foote and xxii Cuirassiers, to whom lx. Noblemen voluntiers adjoyned themselves, so that when other times were not accounted, yet at this alone that there came more horse then wee had altogether the ingenious reader may observe. But because Monsieur Schombergh was not yet passd, Lewis xiiith was not a little trobled; therfore, saith Isnard, hee spente his time in 218 cares more then in sleepe, in so much that his people feard least it should prove to the detriment of his health. Hee calls Marillac, therfore, and gives him the conducte of the Forces. In discharge whereof, havinge gotten together xxx Noblemen of remarque and some of the Kinge's Musquettons, hee setting sayle from the entrance of Rochell, arrived at Samblanceau in the space of betweene 2 and 3 howers at most. Neyther could it hinder him, saith Isnard, that the seas were rough or winds contrary, or that our Guards lay in waite for him. But Isnard is not here cautious enough; for whiles hee commends Monsieur de Marillac's diligence hee doth not a little reproch those who essayed the passage before him, for what could impeache them to do the like? Yf the angry seas, crosse winds, or our men's vigilancy could not bee obstacles now, what was 219 heretofore the cause? Why did they imploy whole nights somtimes, otherwhiles some weekes, that I may not say Monthes, in so shorte a cutt? Certainly, though Isnard hold his peace here the busines will enough speake it selfe, that I may in the meane while passe over in silence: the seas were calme and the windes favorable for the most part; and this, saith Isnard, pag. 214, was the 5th fleete that arrived to the Island, now that our men were on their returne; yet came their a sixth (and that by much the greatest) the next night, as the same Author confesseth. This beinge composed of Liv shipps, was conducted by Schombergh, a man very valiant; yet the same Author saith that xxxii only came to the shore, in every of which aboute c. foote, forty horse, and many of the prime Nobility were carried. But this hath in it some what of the 220 improbable; for though it were granted that 3200, besides the above mentiond Nobility, were transported at this time, shall I therfore beleeve that 1280 horse came over (for so Isnard seemes to compute). But I rather thinke that Isnard was deceived here, for those that were present assured me that their numbers were not so great. I knowe not, therfore, how Isnard will evade, unlesse he say that every of them singly had 100 foote, and all taken together had xl horse, besides the above mentiond Noblemen: the remnant of this fleete the sea or darke night did separate, saith Isnard, omittinge here the third cause; but the French Mercury saith that liv sayle arrived, and that the rest were driven backe. But that wee may passe by these thinges, it is certaine that a choyce and well furnishd Army was assembled here together. These, usinge the silence of 221 the night, were landed betwixt Chauvè and Samblanceau, a great way of from our men. Schombergh, presantly orderinge his souldgers in 4 divisions, and sendinge some winges of horse before, arrives at the Forte de la Pree before the day yet rose, which will seeme lesse strange yf wee consider that our men were preparinge to bee gonne in an other quarter of the Island. Marillac, in the meane time, havinge put his men in order, expected his comminge. Both Armies beinge thus united, it was debated amongest them what they were cheefly to do; at length, reasons on both sides beinge examined, it was resolved for the present to go to La Flotte, and there to advise what was further to bee acted; and to take that village could bee no great difficulty, our men havinge already forsaken it. That there was but a little space betwixt both 222 Cittadells wee shewed before; it beinge cleare enough to all men, who understand these affaires, that they were made for mutuall strength and support to each other. This Village was a boute midde way; the French Army, therfore, beinge arrived here, the distance was not further of then might bee well passed in halfe an hower. They could not, therfore, bee ignorant of that was donne by us almost every moment; for the Islanders, seinge us now departinge, did labor nothinge more then how they might reconcile themselves to their antient Masters (as I have often told) by which meanes Monsieur de Schombergh had timly and frequent advertisment of all that passed, or when that were not, it is impossible to imagine that the departure of an Army, which hath on both sides of it an enemy, can bee longe kept secrett. Their Army in the meane 223 while marched in this order, as Isnard relates, p. 217: The first division consisted of some of the Kinge's Guardes; the regiment of Navarre, Champagne, and Piemont. The next was of some other of Champagne, and those regiments which were commanded by Monsieur de Rambures and Beaumont. The third was composed of the regiments of Plessis Praslin and Meillere; at the side, or in the reare, as Isnard will have it, p. 218, certaine voluntaries with Halberts were appoynted, whose duty it was to fall on our men in the Flanke while the Pikes did joyne. Both the winges of this Army their horse did Guard, beinge divided into two great troopes. cc paces before the vanguard Bussy Lamet did advance, havinge with him xxv horse (whom Isnard absurdly calls Emeriti) and many voluntaries, so that, saith Isnard, pag. 218, of 4000 foote and 224 250 Maistres the whole Army did consiste. But to those who call to minde what wee have sett doune before, it will appeare (I conceive) that their Army was much greater; howsoever, even by this reconninge, it is manifest that their foote, joyned togeather with the Garrison, (without the Islanders) must bee in number double to ours, and the horse about quintuple or five folde.

Chap. XXVII.

My Lord D. of Buckingham was not now ignorant that Monsieur de Schombergh was arrived in the Isle of Re, and had seised on the village of La Flotte, which Isnard saith, pag. 209, our men had let go or omitted. Hee was so farr yet from beinge troubled more then ordenary, that it was some what farre in the 225 day that my Lord D. lay in bedd as Coronell Hackluit, who had then the guard, affirmed to me. Hee was waked indeed with the first messenger, but not clothed, much lesse armed, when newes was brought him that the enemy appeared neare the towne of Saint Martin's; yet it is sayd some howers were interposd here: yf any men yet accuse this as slothefullnes in my Lord Duke, hee may observe it much more in the enemy. But Isnard gives this reason for it, that Schombergh had sent certaine horse to Toiras to tell him of his comminge, and receive from him with all his opinion what further was to bee done. These, therfore, comminge to our quarter, my Lord D. hastens his departure. Aboute 9 of the clocke in the morninge then, havinge ranged his souldgers (that were sicke, and loden with some baggages for the most part) he 226 bringes them into a faire place for fightinge neare certaine windmills, and here that brave D. dares them to battaile. Hee did hope, indeed, that the often provoked French would at last fight as became souldgers; neyther did it hinder him that his companions were so diminished that hee had scarse 3000 foote and lviii horse with him. After, therfore, hee had stood in battaile array a good space, the enemy not so much as movinge towards him, he retires himselfe againe. Takinge a view hereuppon of his forces, and observinge those worthy gentlemen, Sir Charles Rich and Sir John Ratclife, with many others who had beene weakned with their longe sicknes, to be in the next rankes to the enemy, hee exhorts them to withdrawe themselves into some shipps adjoyninge; but they, to whom nothinge was more greavous then to 227 bee absent at such a time, as they were to give proffe of their courage, havinge obtained leave, and leaninge on their Pikes, resolved to take parte with their fellowes, my Lord D. marchinge (as I sayd before) in 7 divisions, and placinge his horse in two troopes, (after that manner as might best sustaine the first brunt, and yf possible resiste it) sees the enemy now followinge a farr of. This yet did not make him go more disorderly, nor could induce him to put 4 drakes (which went in the middest of his Army) in the reare, or to turne them to the enemy. Havinge thus approched neare the village calld Coarde, my Lord D. offers them battaile againe, which Isnard at this time clearly confesseth, pag. 227, as also the French Merc, p. 196; hee also adds the cause, for that Marillac made a shewe of charginge us, and our men 228 thereuppon turnd aboute. Thus farr that Author more ingenious. But Isnard forgeth a scurrilous and false reason, that the pantinge and weary spiritts of our men, who were tired with their armes and iorney, might bee refreshed, pag. 227. But if it were so, why did not the French then charge, why did they not oppresse those who groned (as was thought) under their burdens? Yf our men were shorte breathed, were theirs winde broken? Were they faint harted? Unlesse you give this cause, why was it omitted? For had it not beene better to have slaine in the open feeld our languishinge and overwearyed men then to have attempted us by unworthy and ignoble ways? But I stand too longe upon refutinge this false fellowe's Calumnies. The whole frame of the busines teacheth sufficiently that our men affected nothing more then to 229 try it out by battaile. This also was deliberated by the French more then on time; for not only when wee stood neare the windmills a counsaile was calld what to do (as wee may find in Isnard), but now, as also at the entrance into this Village, where a faire occasion of investinge our troopes was offerd. For those who passed it once could not, through the narrownes of the streets, returne againe to helpe their fellowes that should be in fight on this side. It appeares, therfore, that they had the same advantage here that they took at the dike shortly after. Besides, Isnard reports that Toiras, callinge into minde his 2 Brothers slaine in this warre, and beinge made as it were fiercer with his close keepinge, (for the space of 3 monthes together) did speake in this sense. That it was not to bee suffered that those men should go out of the Island 230 unfought with, which they therfore had invaded upon an unjust quarrell, that they might drawe on them a just and necessary warre from the French. Neyther were wee to bee suffred to pretend to so much glory as to depart, in the sight of the Kinge's Army, with out receivinge a blowe since wee entred the Cuntrey with givinge them such a foyle. That their hands and swords were to punish those at their goinge away who at their comminge killd the French Nobility with their weapon and brasse of their ordinance. This and more wee may finde in Isnard. But I can scarse beleeve that Toiras did speake of the brasse of Ordinance in that sense which Isnard mentions. This is, therfore, the rowlinge eloquence of Isnard, who seemes here to fall into the same error which I noted above, where hee speakes of our brasen shotte. As for the rest, 231 it is not unlikly Toiras spake in this manner: both that hee had increased the French Army with his Garrison, as that hee was willinge to give us the same measure hee had received. But that Marillac was of an other minde, the same Author witnesseth, p. 223 and 224, who saith he spake thus: That they were sent by the kinge to raise the seege and drive the enemy out of the Island. That they were sure of the one, the enemy havinge abandoned their trenches and quarter; that the other was no lesse probable, they goinge away of themselves. That, therfore, it were better (in imitation of Aristides at Salamine) to make them a goulden bridge then to dispute the busines with the sworde; that to bringe the successe of so great an enterprise unto any doubtfull triall had not in it so much of vanity as of crime; that yf they were to fight they should 232 take order the encounter might bee safe and victory undoubtfull; that both these would insue yf the oportunity of place and time were observed, which happens for the most part where an enemy retreats in the presence of the adverse party; betweene the toune and channell that divides the Isle of Re from L'Oye that they were to passe, where beinge devided and kept in through the narrownes of the place, they might easily bee put to the worst. This also and more you may find in Isnard, in whom, amonge other thinges, the reader will finde that it was deliberated to retyre to the Village of La Flotte, and make it good, yf they were charged, least (saith Marillac) wee should bee driven to fight against our wills; and a little after, that yf the English offerd to fight that the French should avoyde, or take some advantagious place for it. Besides, 233 Isnard saith that Schomberg approved this advise; for, saith he, it was resolved by him that wee should not bee compeld to fight, but entertaind only and kept of till some occasion favored their designe. Hee was not unmindfull perchance that the English had gott so many famous victories in lesser number. That French Army, therfore, that moved when wee did, stood still also with us. But the French Mercury is to bee heard, pag. 199. For he saith it was determined that neyther by any light skirmish of foote or charge of horse, or other provocation, our men were to bee tempted to fight till they were shutt up in some straits. Therfore, when Marillac seemd to charge, the same Author recounts that a hollowe and deepe way (by the benefitte of which Monsieur de Schombergh might defend himselfe) was interposed: such prevention did they use 234 then till they saw our coullors turnd the other way; and this was done as soone as wee saw they would not fight. Hereuppon the French army followed againe at the same distance, so that you would have said, that, in a naturall kinde of order, they tooke a kinde of beginninge of motion and rest from us. When we had now passd over the plaine betweene Saint Martin's and Coards, and were arrived to the Village it selfe, wee did againe prepare our selves to provoke and fight with the French, so saith the French Mercury, pag. 196: A la entrée de Couards les ennemis presenterent une autre fois la bataille; which Isnard himselfe confesseth in these words, p. 227: Eo simul ac pervenere, in ipso aditu rursus obversa acie subsistunt.

But the French had no minde as yet to fight; some space here therfore beinge interposed, our men 235 withdrew themselves through the middle of the village. To this end my Lord D. placed some musquettiers behinde the old walls, closes, hedges, and pondes adioyninge, who kept of the French till wee were got through the Village. This also was not unknowne to Marillac; hee, therfore, turninge backe, hastens Schombergh, who insistinge in our stepps for the most part, came on but slowly. Our men had now passd more then halfe way, for this Village, which was aboute 3 miles distante from Saint Martin's, was not altogether so farre remote from L'Oye. Here, therfore, beinge put in order, they grewe too confident that the French, who had atempted nothinge at their marchinge through this village, would not in any other place investe them. Besides, the dike that leads to L'Oye was not now farre of, which might be passd (as was thought) before 236 the enemy could overtake us; yet, through I knowe not what fatall and untimly procacity, our men made a stand now a fourth time. For as they saw the French then on the hither side the Village Coarde, so, least they should bee thought to bee forced rather then ledd backe, they thought it concernd them in honor to make a stand againe. Therfore gettinge to the topps of certaine sand hills, they not only presented Battaile to the enemy, but required them to fight, not without some affronts; but findinge the French cold and slowe, and the time drawing on now towards eveninge (for it was past foure) they held on their way. Beinge hereupon too necligent and carelesse therfore, they passd towards that dike, with out further delay, which leads to L'Oye. But wee will sett doune the discription therof, together with the figure as it is given 237 us by Isnard, to the end the reader may more easily see the cause of our unavoydable misfortune.


The forementioned dike did extend in length neare 500 paces, in breadth not above 4. This on eyther side was invirond (for the most parte) with salte pitts, which Isnard calls falsos lacus; about 300 paces the way seemde direct, at the end whereof appeard a little wooden bridge. This beinge past for aboute lxxx paces, the same way ledd on, turninge afterwards to the leaft hand in an angle, and againe in an other, untill it came to the bridge made, with out proppes, of smalle shippes joyned togeather, which beinge past the Isle of L'Oye was entred into. Here, at full sea, the water was 238 higher then to admitte any foorde; and yet this was more difficult that the bankes in many places were steepe, and such mudde aboute the bridge as was not to bee got through; yet in some places (at lowe water only) there was means to wade over. At the left hand of the dike, and neare the entrance to it, was a little farme calld Daviere, and before it a circuit of Ground capable of one regiment put into order, which ditches fild with water on eyther side did surround. On the right hand a kinde of drowned Cuntrey was seene a great way of; and this, for the most part, is the description of the dike. The bridge which joyned both Islands beinge passed over, that preposterous and perverse fortification mentioned before did appeare, but neyther so high nor firme as it could eyther defend our men or keepe backe an enemy, which 239 afterward proved much to our disadvantage: the rest the reader may finde in the mappe. The French havinge contained themselves all day with out givinge any hope of fight, our men grew so carelesse and necligent that they gave diverse arguments both of scorne and dirision. Breefly havinge put of, and as it were layd aside their courage, a kinde of secure rashnes invaded them. Therfore they neyther marched in their open or close rankes, but in no order indeed to the dike. This bringes Lucretius' verse into my minde, I knowe not in what order,

Filatim cum digreditur disperditur omnis.

If yet in this confused and irregular manner they had but stood still till twy light (which now drew on) it seeme there would have beene no danger, for they who had not only forborne to fight all this while, but had intermitted so good an occasion 240 at the entrance of Coarde (which our men neyther did or could passe in any order) it is probable would for ever have abstained from fightinge, and though this were the last, it was not the onely error yet was committed at that time. For though the halfe moone which was raised on the other side of the bridge ought to have beene placed on this side, and consequently there was no good retreite for our men, yet by the rules of warre it should have beene thought on at this time; wee should eyther therfore have made a stand here, or sent out some to skirmish with and entertaine the enemy, untill a halfe moone (proportioninge to every Pioner a quantity of ground to cast up) had beene made; so the Arch Duke Albertus heretofore escaped the French neare Amiens. To confesse freely, therfore, I should have given this advise (had I beene present) 241 as the only meanes to remedy the formor errors; for although when our men had stood in good order before the dike, one might have sayd there would have beene no use of fortification, I should not yet have changed my opinion, least eyther the French should have accused us for want of knowledge in martiall affaires, or take it ill that themselves were so much slighted. For those enemeys seeme but little considerable who will not charge their Adversaries beinge shutt up in straits and divided from each other. But (which might bee thought fatally ill for us) none of all those thinges were in the meane time done. The enemy was now not ignorant that two of our divisions, which were commanded by Sir Edward Conway, Sir Peregrine Barty, and Sir Henery Spry, were passed over the bridge and entred the Isle of L'Oye. That 3 other, commanded by Sir Charles Rich, Sir Alexander Brett, and Sir Thomas Morton's Lievetinant (hee beinge then sicke) were (together with 4 drakes) on the dike and in their way to the bridge, and consequently that they could expecte no opposition but from those which remained, beinge commanded by Sir William Courtney, Sir Edward Hawley, and Sir Ralfe Bingley. Of these two divisions (where of each consisted of about 400 men) some part stoode at the entrance of the dike (which scarse admitted 5 or 6 men in fronte) the other was placed at the side thereof not farre from Daviere; our horse in the meane while beinge so disposed that one troope, (which was of thirty horse, and the other of 28) might receive the first charge. Amonge the foote some of the Reformed relligion did close up the divisions. It did sufficiently appeare 243 to the French that the troopes which were passd, as those also which were on the dike, could not succour each other. Marillac, therfore, goinge backe to Monsieur de Schombergh, demands the signall for fight, which beinge given, Marillac determines not so much to charge us home as to fall upon the reare, and incommodate the next to him (for so a French gentleman of good accounte, who was present, confessd unto mee) besides the very figure which Isnard exhibits seemes to declare as much, pag. 230, for the French are represented not as charginge us directly, but obliquely. The onsett now given, they were valiantly received by our men, for so Isnard confesseth, pag. 233. But beinge over come with multitude, they underwent a diverse fortune; for some part was killd, amonge whom was that brave (and not unrevenged) Sir William 244 Cunningham; some part yeelded, amongst whom my Lord Mountjoye beinge one was curtuously used. Others by the shocke and pressinge of the enemy in a slopinge ground were forced backe and driven to flight; these runninge away in full speede, alonge the dike, cast our men on eyther side into the ditches and salpitts adjoyninge. The way beinge thus made open, the French followed with their wonted alacrity. And here our men received a great blowe: for the French, with their pikes, did at their pleasure now kill those men (lying in the water and mudde) whose eies before they durst scarse behold. And here Isnard, who for the most part useth a Poetticall stile, might remember that of Horace:

Figit adamantinos
Summis verticibus dira Necessitas

For they who were throwne doune 245 from the toppe of the dike, by our horsmen (to whom only they could give place) might bee sayd to have perished in the like manner. Those divisions likewise which were placed at Daviere, next our horse, fought awhile also, but beinge (as the formerly mentiond) over pressed with number, they were partly killd and partly put to flight. Amonge those, some of the Reformed relligion runninge alone the knowne nooks and windinges of the ditches, came to the further bridge, though not with out much danger. These the enemy (followinge the same tracke) pursued hard, as resolvinge not to spare any that came to their hands. And here the greatest slaughter by much was made, for although my Lord D. from the beginninge of the combate exhorted them equally to maintaine the reputation of their Cuntrey, yet a fitt place to give proofe of their valour 246 beinge wantinge, all his speach was but in vaine. But neyther succeeded it well that our men did not seeme all of one minde; for whilest some strive to runne away, and others againe hinderd them, they mutually acted the parts of enemies to each other. Thus as in troopes they labored to passe the bridge (which had no rayles or fences on eyther side) one might observe these thrustinge forward, and others puttinge them backe, untill their weapons fallinge out of their hands, and grapled together, they fell arme in arme into the sea. It is sayd that Sir Charles Rich and Sir Alexander Brett, together with many other noble persons, strivinge to make good this fatall bridge against all fugitives, were in this manner (after some resistance) dround. In the meane while the French killd all they could overtake. 247

Chap. XXIX.

Sir Piers Crosby, with an Irish regiment had the charge of makinge good the halfe moone beyond the bridge; but beinge borne away with a promiscuous torrent, both of those who runne away and pursued, he gave place awhile. Neyther could it bee otherwise where there was no meanes to distinguish frends from enemies. The French now, ad motum fortuna moventes, (as Cæsar heretofore observed) and followinge the conducte of Marillac, did both in great numbers and with much fiercenes passe the bridge and weake fortification adjoyninge to it. Sir Thomas Frier and lievitant Coronell Hacluit kept the next guards, accompayned with aboute forty Pikes and twenty shotte; these bravely 248 betweene themselves resolved to keepe backe and repulse the French, and thereuppon resolutly charged those who had (almost intirely) got the Victory. Sir Piers Crosby havinge also by this time putt his men in order, assistes them. The French beinge herewith repulsed and beaten backe with the same fury they came on, suffred the victory to be wrested out of their hands. But least these thinges should bee thought to bee spoken out of affection and partiality, lett the French writers themselves bee heard. The Author of the booke, cui titulus la descente des Anglois, pag. 232. Une espovante se mit parmy nos soldats que malgre luy (Marillac) les rechassa jusques au pont. Cela donna aux enemies asses de cueur pour s'esbranler a les fuivre, et le firent piques basses. Mais la hardiesse de Saligny arrivè en mesme temps, avec quelques 249 musquettaires des Gardes, dont iii estoient valets du pied du Roy, et celle de dessusdits, avec la presence du dit Sieur de Marillac, fut asses grande pour leur faire teste, encores qu'ils fussent en deux battaillons formes, et les arresterent tout court. This Isnard seemes to have translated thus, pag. 235: The French beinge strucke with a suddaine feare, in spite of Marillac, (who labored to stay them) went backe to the bridge. This feare added or rather restored so much courage to the enemies, as to move out of their place and charge us with their pikes; but the great valour of Saligny, comminge oportunly with some of the Kinge's Guard, whereof 3 were his foote men, and those Noblemen which (wee sayd before) were in the front, and Marillac (himselfe in person) urginge them, were sufficient to stand and resiste the enemy, though 250 entier and in two bodyes, in so much as wee were equall to them comminge on, and superior to them beinge repulsed. But how ambiguously here and else where, yf not falsly, somethinges are translated, let them judge who understand both languages; for certainly theire is nothinge in the French which may inferre they were superior to us repulsed. In the meane while it sufficiently appeares by this that the French, which to the distance of cc paces (for so the Author of the French Mercury witnesseth, pag. 199) ranne on from the Isle of Re into the Isle of L'Oye, were driven backe and beaten so many stepps, even to the bridge it selfe. Yet here the French boast that their men stood still awhile and tooke that worke which Sir Piers Crosby abandoned. Let it bee so. But why did they not keepe it then? For beinge 251 masters of the bridge, had they not free passage to the Isle of L'Oye? Were there not numbers enough already flocked thither? (see Isnard, pag. 238.) But the Author of the French Mercury saith that the fight was hote in the Isle of L'Oye for the space of 2 howers, pag. 200. And Isnard tells us, pag. 238, their names who from time to time were placed and substituted in their roomes that quitted the fight; that, therfore, there is no Coulor to say their men were calld backe, when by their owne confession it appeares they were repulsed; yet besides Porcheux, as a person of note, and some wounded, Monsieur de Schombergh's epistle doth not mention any man of quallity to the Kinge. Isnard, pag. 240. But because the French seemes as it were obscure on purpose in this place, lett the reader accepte this reason out of my commentaries. For since 252 the fortification neare the bridge, beinge on the side towards L'Oye unfenced, and consequently so open to our shotte that the French could not easily make it good, and many fresh men (as wee may finde in Isnard) came into their succours, they resolved to beate us from our Guards yf possible. Charginge us, therfore, fiercely they ranne on in great number, but beinge received bravely also by our men, they were driven backe with the losse of a commander and diverse souldgiers. This did not impeach them yet to returne to a fresh charge, but neyther could it prevaile so farre as to keepe them from beinge beaten backe againe. These encounters passinge to and fro in this manner for divers times, some of those troopes who went over first returnd. These, therfore, joyninge their forces together, and chasinge the French, first to the halfe moone 253 before the bridge, and after over the bridge itselfe into the Isle of Re, returned vanquishers, havinge killd many of the Enemy and brought back diverse of their fellowe souldgers, who were sore wounded. Nimble victory beinge nowe turned on our side, it was advised concerning givinge chase to the French. But because night was alredy entred, and wee had no horse to followe, it was thought best to desiste; yf in the meane while wee drive not the French sooner out of the Isle of L'Oye the scantines of our numbers was the cause. Of their flight, therfore, who with out any restinge came to the village of Coarde, and even to Saint Martin's itselfe, wee can not speake with that certainty, though more then common fame affirme it. But that industrious Author of the French Mercury is to bee heard likewise: Le retour mit tout en tel 254 desordre et fuitte, que le dit sieur de Marillac mesme fut renversè par les fuyards, et ny pour commandement, ny pour coup d'éspeè ne les peut arreter. That is in English: The returne put all in that disorder and flight that the afforesayd Monsieur de Marillac was throwne doune by the runnawayes, and neyther through his commande by worde of mouth, or drawinge his sworde to stay them, was able to keepe them in their duty. And here I take to wittnes posterity and all succedinge ages, that I produce the French Authors themselves to witnes. Why may not the victory, therfore, both now and for ever, bee sayd to stand in this Article, so much the more famous as that it was gotten with lesse difficulty? Neyther will any deny this who calls to minde that victories ought not to bee considered by their beginninges or middle, but by their 255 ends. But was this, perchance, that it might appeare how little force was requisite to beate the enemy? So at the battaile of Cressy, Poitiers, Agincourt, some maniples only of the English over threwe great Armies of the French. This will seeme lesse strange who calls to minde the naturall condition of this Nation in all ages. For it is so solemne and usuall with them to consume all theire fury in the first onsett, that when they have none else to bee affraide of they grow affraide of themselves, as apprehending that fiercenes which precipitated them into so much hazard, and from themselves at last derivinge the causes of their danger. But least yet I might bee thought too unjust to the French, or too favorable to our owne side, I may say that victory, which even the lawe of armes doth vindicate unto us, to bee Cadmean and miserable. It had beene better 256 not to have over-come on these termes. It will appeare whither we will or no that a great blowe was given us. Take, therfore, your Trophees to you; we can not deny but a great slaughter was committed; but neyther must you deny upon what kinde of persons; that is to say, on such as beinge pend up in straits could neyther stand to fight nor go away; on such as seekinge a fitt place to shew their valor made a retreat like to a flight; and such as beinge of sickly and weake estate of body, were eyther resolved to dy, or at least could not have lived much longer. What then? it seemes none almost here dyed but such as it concernd to dy; it would not have beene so well with them yf they had escaped. But let this be granted to, that the French gott a great victory. But may they not bee ashamed of such a victory, as they durst not 257 attempt on even termes? Was it not more dishonorable to vanquish thus then to bee vanquished? Certainly, yf wee looke on the antient examples of virtue and valour, it would have beene thought an ignominious thinge to kill an enemy that was fallen into a ditch, and the rather that this warre was not made so much out of hatred as emulation, not so much against the French as for them . Who, therfore, would have killd men fallen doune and stickinge in the mudde, nay who would not have holpen them? An enemy that doth not present himselfe in such a posture to fight as becomes a martiall person seemes scarse worthy death. But they will say, dolus an virtus! neyther do I demand it. It is disputed yet concerninge the number of those that perished in this conflict. Isnard saith, page 240, they were 2000, but our men say that 258 aboute 500 only perished by weapon, and aboute 300 or at most 500 were drowned, with whom the French Mercury seemes to accord, pag. 201, describinge a number of aboute 500 or 600 (those who dyed on their parte beinge comprised herein) lyinge on the ground. A lesse number then this is produced by some of our side, but a greater by none, that I could ever learne, yet the unworthy Author, Isnard, saith that 1300 of the French were clothed in the Garments of the English. But eyther this is false, or ought to bee understood thus, that the old clothes our men sold to the Brokers of Saint Martin's, in that longe time of 3 monthes that wee stayed there, were bought or borrowed by the French souldgers for ostentation. But the same Author saith that 46 of our Coullors were gotten, concealinge in the meane while that most of them were taken 259 away from dead and drouned persons, and that not sooner then the next day followinge. I heard only Monsieur de Bellingham commended for takinge away bravely one of them. And here likewise, as before, was no little error committed by our men, for together with the great Ordinance they should have shippt the multitude of our Coullors. For since, as I declared before, very few men marched under every Ensigne, it had beene not only convenient to have avoyded superfluous and unnecessary burdens (that the souldgers might fight with lesse incumber) but most requisite to carry away those markes of honnor, which fallinge into the enemies hands would have disparaged us. Besides, we had therein but imitated them . For both at this and the fight at Samblanceau the French brought with them few or no Coullors. How our numbers 260 were so diminished wee may find above; lett the reader, therfore, peruse those places. Besides, it is no new thinge in all ages and Cuntreys that Captaines should bringe an account of more men to receive pay for then they really have; yet do not wee give this for a reason here. Let it suffice for the present that any 46 of our Coullors were so farr from havinge above 1200 men to followe them, that some 46 there were who had not so much as 400 amonge them. The French acknowledge very few to bee killd on their side, but our men bringe no smalle arguments to the contrary; for yf it be granted by them that 2000 were buried, and 800 or 1000 only on our side lost, the remainder will quickly appeare (1200 on their part). But that the French were killd in so great number seemes to me so unlikely, that, without all ambiguity, I 261 should confesse the greatest loste by much to have fallen on our side. It rests that those who buried the dead were deceived as havinge not leasure to make a just accompte; besides, it may bee those of the Relligion in France who served on our side are not contained in this number.

Chap. XXX.

The French beinge driven out of the Isle of L'Oye unto the Isle of Re, it was thought fitt to make good that bridge, and fortify that halfe moone, which (the enemy beinge beaten thence) wee had now recoverd, for it was not possible to give chase to those who fledd so fast, now the night was come in, and wee had no horse to follow. Besides, it ought not bee otherwise; for that which was resolved longe 262 since to leave the Isle of Re, wee had now obtained in despite of the French. As beinge constant, therfore, to their first intention, our men stayed here, Sir Piers Crosby in the meane while beinge restored to his charge of defendinge the bridge; and for this were alleadged no impertinent reasons. For yf, upon discovery of the smallenesse of our numbers, the enemy should returne to fight, there was no place which wee might with more advantage and security keepe. My Lord Duke in the meane while, least any hope should appeare to our men, but that which their proper courage and virtue gave, cause all the longe boates to bee sent away, not so much as his owne excepted. More over, he exhorts them to fight againe yf need were, givinge the best order withall that possible might bee for the wounded, and so expects whether the enemy 263 would returne to charge. But they were eyther runne away, or at least lay hidd from us. Our men then beganne to suspecte some designe herein; for they knewe that aboute the second watch of the night (the sea beinge ebbe) there were many passages to the Isle of L'Oye, espetially neare a certaine Mill, which the French very well understood also; yett whither it were that they were glutted with their late butchery, and frighted with their repulse, or, which is more likely, that they apprehended least by the comminge in of the sea againe they should bee inclosed, and so constrained to fight upon faire termes with us, they desisted from any enterprise. Howsoever, it was certaine wee passd that night and diverse followinge dayes with all security; for some Guards beinge placed at the end of the dike most remote from us, Schombergh, 264 together with those that remained, retyred to Saint Martin's and the Villages adjoyninge, for so saith Isnard, pag. 239: Hee havinge placed one Troope of horse and two companies of foote at that end of the dike that was furthest from us, and divided his horse in the villages adjoyning, went himselfe with the rest of his Army to Saint Martin's. The enemies departure beinge at this time both made knowne to us, and that hower beinge past in which through lowe water there was possibility of their comminge over to us, my Lord D. (it beinge now towards midnight) retyreth with the thinne reliques of his Army to the Village of L'Oye. Here againe it was deliberated what to do, sundry advices to this purpose beinge given. But at last it was agreed to burne that fatall bridge, and so to shippe our men. Aboute the third watch of the night, therfore, 265 this command was given to Sir Piers Crosby, and that beinge done, to withdrawe himselfe and souldgers to the rest of our forces. Hee without delay fiers it, to which the Pitch and Tarre of the Shipps affordinge combustible matter enough, there arose a huge flame, in so much that some French sentinells shotte at our men diverse times. But because they were not only few but placed at a great distance, and besides had no great mind to provoke those whom they knewe were now inraged against them, they eyther mist on purpose, or, which is most likly, did not reach the marke, for wee received no hurt, though they might shotte with as good ayme as at noone day. Sir Piers Crosby havinge now very well acquitted himselfe of all that hee had in charge (about the 4th watch of the night retyringe himselfe and souldgers to L'Oye) passeth the rest 266 of that night in much quiettnes. The next day my Lord D. musters his souldgers, and findinge those only wantinge whome I mentiond before, prepares to bee gone. In the meane while he sent Sir Tho. Frier and Arthur Brett to demande the bodyes of the slaine, and Dolbier to treat concerninge changinge of Prisoners. The former, findinge Schombergh easily assentinge, gave order to bury the dead. But when Dolbier delivered his message Schomberg replied he could doe nothinge there in without first acquaintinge the Kinge his Master.. Diverse noble persons on both sides beinge brought away therfore, sojournd some while in their adversaryes Cuntrey, (beinge yet well used there) untill, by the mutuall clemency of their Kinges, with-out payinge any ransome, they returned home. The question now amonge the Coronells was who should last 267 go a shipboard, as takinge this to bee a spetiall pointe of Honor. This controversy was ended by castinge of lotts, so much leasure had wee now even for recreation and pastime. The busines beinge thus determind, our men go now a shipboard with out any to hinder them. For Monsieur de Schombergh imployed himselfe in demolishinge some of our workes before Saint Martin's, where, as Isnard, pag. 240, relates, hee determind to abide, so to advertise his kinge of the behaviour and stay of the English in the Isle of L'Oye, as also to lerne all he could concerninge our takinge Shippe and departure thence. Here, therfore, wee stayd 8 whole dayes, which Isnard himselfe confesseth, pag. 244, the enemy not so much as appearinge before us. My Lord D. in the meane while, beinge carefull of the Reformed, did send Sir Henry Hungate, that yf any perchance were 268 neare the shoare to bringe them away. But havinge coasted the whole Isle of L'Oye, besides the Inhabitants hee found neyther frend nor enemy; for havinge mette with some comodity for passage they were departed a little before.

Chap. XXXI.

It may seeme strange to the reader now that my Lord Duk's minde was not yet sufficiently prepared to bee gone, and that other cause then the contrary winds might bee given of his stay. But they who knewe well his inward disposition will easily afford beleefe to what shall bee here sett doune. Havinge, therfore, calld together a selecte counsaile of worthy persons, hee demands their opinion (as in a high point) whether they thought enough was 269 yet done for the dignity of his Kinge and Master in this expedition, and for this purpose desires them to speake their minds freely. They who held the affirmative I should beleeve spake much to this purpose, for I have not beene able to recover hither unto a perfect coppy of all that passd at this time; yet, because the whole frame of the History doth inferre the contents hereof, it is probable that some one havinge obtained leave did speake in this sense: That the French had nothinge to object against us but the late (in what manner soever) committed slaughter. But that such a poore and inglorious butchery could not bee esteemed of that moment as to bee paraleld with the many bravly atcheeved victories wee had gotten since wee came first to the Island. That hee, in the meane while, had brought no more forces with him then what the Garrison and Islanders 270 alone did abundantly equall. That the French had besides them a flourishing and chosen army. That all these could not hinder yet but the farre lesser part of his Infanterie (beinge not yet fully recovered of a longe Navigation) did at Samblanceau, not only put to flight Toiras and his Forces (though forewarned of this expedition) and killd almost all his Cavallerie (which was composed of some of the prime Nobility of France), but had subdued an Island capable of the whole French army, (which was almost in sight) and might have taken the Cittadells themselves, unlesse hee had thought it better to reduce them by famine then conquere them by the sworde. That no sally in the meane while, or other attempt from the Cittadells or Isle of Oleron, or the Continent it selfe was made, but the French were eyther slaine or at least beaten backe. 271 But not by land only, but by sea also, that hee had sufficiently manifested what the English could do. That this appeared by the many subsidiary fleets which were chased away or suncke, by the many souldgers and marriners which were cast into the sea and dround, insomuch that their flotinge carkasses filld the inhabitants every where with terror. But not with men only, but even with the inclemency of the weather, with famine and sicknes, that he had strugled, and that not a shorte time, but 3 monthes space. That those difficulties yet could not prevaile so farre against him but that hee continued victor all this while at a distance no farther remote from the Continent of France then what might bee passed over in an hower and a halfe; as well in doinge as in sufferinge, therfore, that there was given proofe of the antient Roman fortitude. 272 That he had in the meane while offerd battaile diverse times to the French both by land and sea, nay, that hee had dared them to it often. That yet they were not so confident eyther in their owne or confederates forces (and those fetchd from Spaine it selfe) that they would hazard to fight with us. That when at last, beinge constrained by necessity (to which alone hee could yeeld) hee resolved to departe, that with a sharp challenge and countenance turned to the enemy hee had often braved them. That the slacke and dilatory French hereupon were so much contemned that his over carlesse and confident souldgers had indeed receaved a blow, but in such a place as no courage could eyther well declare or sufficiently defend itselfe. For his sickly and weake companies beinge intercepted in straits, and thronged out of their Armes by the 273 multitude of those who pressed on them, were so little able to resiste that they were killd, more to the enemies disgrace then their owne. That this was so evident that when the like chance had hapned to so many Philistines (that I may not say French) nothinge could have hindred any little army of Pigmers (when yet their honor would suffer it) to put them to the worst. That with the firmer part of his forces hee had yet extorted the Victory (the French had almost gotten) out of their hands, and cast them out of L'Oye. That nothinge more famous then this was ever done, or that could give us more reputation. For in despite of most eager and raveninge enemies, that hee had not only made good his purposes but frustrated the enemies intentions. In this very title alone, that the moment and importance of victory itselfe consisted, 274 which not so much as a just enemy would deny. How much terror in the meane while this overthrowe had brought on them was manifest even by this, that they durst not so much as indure to behould our sayles, though now stayinge here for diverse dayes, by which meanes all the borderinge shore (with out any violence offerd or Garrison to defende it) was so cleared from the enemy that even posterity could not bee ignorant how much was attributed to our fame and reputation. For that by the power and virtue of it alone, so much of the Island as was then in prospecte and vew seemd his. That nothinge more, therfore, was to bee attempted, since whensoever hee exceeded this, hee would not only loose his labor while hee went aboute to provoke an absent enemy that had no designe to fight, but should in a sorte abandon and cast away both his owne and 275 souldgers felicity. Thus much hee, who not much passinge the bounds of those thinges that were done, did desire yet to favour and sett out the honor of his Cuntrey. But my Lord Duke, to whom it seemd greevous that in 3 whole monthes space the French should have one so fortunate an hower as that they might pretend to Victory, though but for so shorte a time, argued to the contrary in this manner: That the French, by their slaughter of us, (howsoever committed) were growne so insolent that it was necessary a little to stoope and pull them downe. That, therfore, hee was resolved to go to Rochell; there that hee should not want occasion to acquitt himselfe as hee ought; for in a place apt for sallyes the enemy could not so watch or keepe him in, but that hee might take his time to breake out and prevaile himselfe of diverse advantages 276 against them. Lastly, that hee might there securely attende the comminge of the Earle of Holland. But then there wanted not some to whome the Rochellers fidelity was not a little suspected, because they were now in speach for a peace which would prove much benefitiall unto them, when, together with submittinge and rendringe themselves to their kinge, they would accepte a Garrison from him . That they might the sooner bee induced hereunto, since by a publique decree at Montalban and Castres, (Merc. Fr. T. xiii. p. 912) neyther the cause of the Rochellers, nor the warre undertaken by us, was approved. That hee should do wisely, therfore, not to committ himselfe to the hands of those who were distracted amonge themselves. Besides, that it was the natural condition of those of the Relligion to study nothinge more then, together with 277 their proper conservation, the rendringe themselves gratious to their kinge. That it might, therfore, so fall out that some sodaine tumult beinge raised, the lawes not only of hospitality, but even of the faith and promise where in they stood ingaged to us, might bee violated, and himselfe together become the common pray. That his wisdome was such as to understand sufficiently the meaninge hereof. That, therfore, with his weake and thinne forces, hee should not put himselfe within those walls, where neyther his lodginge was secure nor liberty safe. That in such desperate cases as theirs men thinke all thinges lawfull; when, therfore, hee should attempt anythinge in this kinde, that hee should bee so provided as to have no cause to apprehend anythinge, eyther with in or with out their walls. Those reasons prevailed somewhat 278 with my Lord Duke (who, as Sir William Beecher told me,) was wonderfully affected to go to Rochell. But the seamen and marriners also by this time cried out, their cables were broken, their sayles torne, and shipps much brused and shattered. That, therfore, unlesse the winde turned quickly, that they were cast away. The eight day beinge now past, and no enemy eyther by sea or land appearing, my Lord Duke setts sayle, the winde servinge well att that time, though presantly after provinge contrary. The generous Earle of Holland, who had omitted nothinge that might speede his voyage, and besides had runne no little danger in passinge to his shipps in a little skiffe, takinge advantage hereof, makes hast to the Isle of Re. But the winde risinge on a sudaine, and a horrible tempest followinge thereuppon, the sky and sea seemd so 279 intermixd to-gether as yf both had been converted to stormes; scarse any element did consiste unto itselfe, nor our shipps unto their taklings; yet my Lord Duke in all this tossinge wanted not the Comfort of havinge brought away his Majesties Navy from the shoales and unsafe roads neare Re; for yf the same accident had hapned there, they must neads have fallen foule and perished amongst themselves. Some of our lesser shipps. in the meane time, comminge upon the blinde Rocks neare the coast of lesser Brittany, were eyther wracked and dround, or brought not with out great difficulty into the harbors adjoyninge. Three hundred bodyes, saith Isnard, were cast a shoare; but our men confesse not so many, though it can not bee doubted but that they suffred a great losse at this time. The two Generalls, after this manner beinge on their way 280 together, could not come to speach till the sea grew calmer and the windes appeased. At length, neare our westerne coast, they saluted each other. All the busines concerninge supplies beinge then brought into examination, it appeared that neyther the first letters of my Lord Duke, in which hee declared his purpose to leave the Isle of Re, and together forbidde any men to bee sent for the renforcinge his Army; nor these latter letters, in which hee advertised how, at the Rochellers' intreaty, his minde was changed, and thereupon required that the succors might bee hastned away, were delivered to my Lord of Holland's hands. It was found out at last, also, that the difficulty was only in the not timely enough Purveyance of victualls. At length comminge to Plimouth, my Lord Duke took Post horse to go to Court, where, fallinge on his 281 knees before his gratious Kinge and Master, hee was received not with out the wonted testimonies of acceptance. The next question was of casheeringe our men, which beinge done, those who outlived sicknes and mischance returned home, where attending their hurts many recovered, some also, through tedious and Cronicall diseases, pined away. And this is the summary narration of the voyage of the Isle of Re, accordinge to the relation given me, in which I protest to have written nothinge out of Partiality.

Chap. XXXII.

To you (whether brave or lerned) French, I must now appeale awhile, and professe to have sayd nothinge here with desire to offend you. The rash folly of Isnard indeed provoked me, so farre as I 282 thought fitt not to leave it uncorrected; and that it is lawfull to repulse force with force, and hard with hard, is not by me first observed; what-so-ever, therfore, may bee thought bitterer then it ought, lett it fall on him for my part. What a Patron of your cause, in the meane time, how exact an historian you have gotte, may bee perceived both by the above mentiond places, as also by this in the conclusion of his booke. For while he strives to exalte the victory of his Cuntreymen the wrangler makes no difficulty to inserte these words, page 249: Neyther is any man so ignorant in martiall affaires, but he must confesse that the enemy both might and ought to overcome; since hee had not only more numbers of Fresh souldgers, but the advantage of oportune places to acquire the victory. But what a monstrous and absurde 283 speech is this? For who will say that wee had fresh men at our departure, or cane imagine the choise of places to belonge to us? This is more impertinent then to deserve an Answere. Convertinge my speach to you againe, therfore, I must say there was enough done for honor, too much for effusion of blood on eyther parte. Lett both Nations, therfore, have their due glory. It will perpetually renowne you that you preserved both Cittadells; that you affected a safe rather than a doubtfull victory, (as beinge that which argues best the providence of a Generall) besides that great slaughter you made of our men and takinge away of our Coullors, may bee reputed amonge the cheefest Trophees and spoiles you have ever gotten. But on the other side, that wee obtained a famous victory by fine force in the open feeld at Samblanceau: 284 that wee stayed in your Island, and not out of the sight of your whole Army, above the space of 3 monthes: that so many auxiliary fleets were eyther beaten backe by us or sunke: that wee offerd to fight with you, both by sea and land, so many times: that with a handfull of men wee did beate you againe out of the Isle of L'Oye, when yee had almost wonne the victory, will give us an everlasting Fame. Yf any yet thinke wee have not done enough herein, and demande thereupon whither wee can produce any Slaughter that may bee layd in Ballance with that at the dike, lett him accounte with himselfe, that those whom wee killd in diverse encounters, and dround in diverse sea fights, though not at any one, yet at sundry times, beinge collected and summed up together, will abundantly equall this number. Besides that, our victories 285 were masculine, glorious, and due to our virtue; that yours was only oportune, obnoxious, and momentary. For the 4 little Drakes you tooke they are not to be poysed with liii great peeces, whereof xx were whole brasse Culverins, taken by Sir Sakvile Trevor. Besides, the same year were taken by Cap. Penninton xxxiv French shipps, laden with marchandise and ordenance. The ensignes and Coullors only remaine, which beinge hanged on the roofe of the church of Nostre Dame at Paris, may dasle our eies. But yf the Pennons and flaggs, which our seamen tooke from you in these warres, were hanged aboute any of our churches, they would endanger the interceptinge of our light from us. But this bragge is so much lesse to bee accounted for, both that so few of our men served under every Coullor, as that on your part eyther 286 one, or at least very few, were brought in competition against us. But least these thinges should bee repeated over to often, lest the reader (though partiall) looke backe on that which is above layd doune by us, or yf that please not, lett him turne over the French Authors themselves, and hee shall finde that yf in three monthes space wee had one unfortunate hower, it will appeare yet that the next insuinge did so repaire it. That yf it bee granted that the French did triumphe over the vanquished, it must not bee denyed but the English triumphed even over the Victory it selfe, which, consequently, yf they did not make use of, and pursue accordinge to time and occasion, that the night comminge on and defecte of horse were the only obstacles. This freely interposed judgment concerninge the passages betwixt both nations, that 287 you who are worthy minded will not take ill is my desire, beinge ready with the same temper to heare yours. Lett it be lawfull for every one to defend the dignity of his Cuntrey, unlawfull for any to sowe or nourish the seeds of dissention. This, if it bee approved by you, I shall little esteeme all wranglers who, in my epistle to the reader, shall finde their ready and perpetuall answere.

Fare you well, in the meane while, and exercise all mutuall testimonies of goodwill.