The Voyage to Cadiz

President,
THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF VERULAM, F.R.G.S.
J. J. CARTWRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., Treasurer.
WILLIAM CHAPPELL, ESQ., E.S.A.
F. W. COSENS, ESQ., F.S.A.
JAMES E. DOYLE, ESQ.
REV. J. WOODFALL EBSWORTH, M.A., F.S.A.
JAMES GAIRDNER, ESQ.
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, ESQ., LL.D. Director.
J. W. HALES, ESQ., M.A.
ALFRED KINGSTON, ESQ., Secretary.
CHARLES A. J. MASON, ESQ.
THE EARL OF POWIS, LL.D.
EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ., M.A. (the late)
REV. W. SPARROW SIMPSON, D.D., F.S.A.
WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ., F.S.A.
J. R. DANIELL-TYSSEN, ESQ., F.S.A. {the late)

The Council of the Camden Society desire it to be understood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observations that may appear in the Society's publications; the Editors of the several Works being alone responsible for the same.

The "Journal" now herein printed for the first time, was found by the Editor, whilst pursuing his researches at Port Eliot (on the invitation of the late Earl of St. Germans) amongst the MSS. formerly collected by the illustrious statesman and patriot Sir John Eliot. It is one of a number of Transcripts from original documents—as well State Papers as Private—which Eliot made it matter of conscience to obtain as the basis and sanction of his memorable opposition to the King and Buckingham in their "evil courses." It is pathetic as well as satisfying to come upon these evidences of the painstaking spent by the great English Tribune in verifying the statements and related accusations made by him in his place in Parliament. That this "Journal" was transcribed for Sir John Eliot under his own personal supervision, gives security that the original was known by him to be authentic. But there are other indeed abundant MSS. extant, confirmatory of its entries all round. More of these immediately. I have placed the name of Sir John Glanville on the title-page, because the Manuscript vi itself presents him to us as Secretary of the "Voyage," and as such the only one who could have been present at the "Councils of War" and other consultations and meetings on board the Lord Generall and Admiral's ship the "Ann Royall" to make such records. (See pages 37, 62, 66, 122.) It will be observed that throughout, after having recorded himself as Secretary, he uses the first person, "I" did this and that, &c., &c. As will also emerge hereafter, part of Buckingham's "Instructions" to Wimbledon was that he (by his Secretary) should keep a "daily Journal" of all occurrences, and inform him thereof regularly. So that our MS. was the discharge of a duty laid upon the Secretary.

By a lucky accident a document (erroneously described as a "letter" in the "Glanville Records") (unpublished) drawn up by Sir John Glanville (then unknighted) seeking to be released from the appointment of "Secretary" on this "Voyage," is preserved in H.M. Public Record Office. It naturally claims a place here, as follows:

Mr. Glanvills reasons against his beinge imployed for a Secretary at Warre:—

Hee is a meere Lawyer, unqualified for h'imployment of a Secretary: his handwriting is so bad that hardly any but his owne Clarke canne reade itt, who should not be acquainted with all things that may occurre in such a service.

vii He hath a wife and 6 children, and his certaine meanes without his practise is not sufficient to maintain them.

He sitteth att 60li. rent per annum for a house in Chancery Lane, not worth him in effect anie thing but for the comodiousnes of his practise: however hee is to hold itt att that rate for 16 or 17 yeares yet to come.

His wife and children are dispersed into 4 gen'rall counties, with severall frendes in Hertfordshire, Bedfordshire, Gloucestershire and Devonshire, during his sicknes, and hee cannott in his straight and upon so short warninge, setle his affaires for such a iournie.

His goods and evidences and the evidences of divers of his clients with manie breviattes and noates of instruccons concerninge their Causes, are in his Studdy att Lincolns Inne and house in Chancery Lane, which hee cannot well dispose nor distribut in a short tyme, nor can now safely repaire to the place[s] where they are.

Hee is witnesse in recordershipps and engaged in divers causes of importance, which affaires and businesses if he desert, much preiudice may therby grow to very manie.

His mother, an aged lady, who relies much upon his Counsell and resort, will become herby much weakened and disconsolate.

His practise is now as good as most men in y^e Kingdome of his tyme, hee having followed y^e Studdy these 22 yeares and y^e practise of ye lawe these 15 yeares, with viii as much Constancie and painefulness as anie man. And if hee should now bee putt into another course though but for a while, itt must needes deprive him of the fruictes of all his labours, for his Clients being by his absence once setled uppon others, he shal never be able to recontinue them againe.

His cominge to Plymouth att this tyme was only to attend y^e service of his Recordershippe there, to assist the Maior and his brethren to entertaine his Maiestie; which service hee had p'formd accordingly. Sept^r 18^o 1625."

The handwriting is "villainously bad"; but it is believed above is an accurate reproduction of the original, save in extension of contractions.

This somewhat noticeable paper needs no commentary. It is to be feared that there were many besides the Secretary unwilling embarkers on the "Voyage." Certes the "Calendar" of State Papers (as onward) reveals how compulsory and deplorable was the "impressing" of the "seamen" and "soldiers" alike, for the fleet.

I have stated that there are other MSS. confirmatory of Glanville's "Journal." The more important may be mentioned, viz.:—

(a.) Journal of the Expedition to Cadiz, from the sailing until the day after the retreat to the ships (1625. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic: edited by John Bruce, p. 166). Bruce supposes this to have been written by a "Colonel," perhaps Conway.
ix (b.) Journal of the "Swiftsure," one of the ships engaged in the expedition against Cadiz, Sir Samuel Argall being Captain, and having on board Robert, Earl of Essex, Vice-Admiral of the Fleet, and Colonel-General of the Land Forces, from October 1st to the ship's return to Falmouth on Dec. 5, (1625, Ibid. p. 170). The former is slight, and consists of jottings of dates, etc. rather than of such entries as the title "Journal" suggests. The letter is full and careful, but adds comparatively little to Glanville's "Journal," albeit confirmatory of it invariably.

Subsidiary to these, are numerous letters from Commanders in the "Voyage," including Sir Edward Cecyl, Viscount Wimbledon (Lord High Admiral), Sir William St. Leger, Sir Thomas Lowe, Sir Michael Gayer (or Geere), Sir George Blundell, the Lord Cromwell, &c., &c., &c. St. Leger, and Love, and Gayer are passionately strong against the "Lord High Admiral," e.g. Sir William St. Leger writes to Buckingham—"Indisposition kept him from the Council of War in which it was resolved to return, but both by word and writing he protested against it.… He begs leave to kiss his Grace's hand, although he should be ashamed to look up to either his sovereign or the duke. All the officers x will fly with open mouth upon the Lord Marshal, neither can nor will he excuse him; yet he knows that they that will blame him most are not blameless." (Ibid. Decr. 18th, 1625, p. 180.) Next day (Dec. 19th) he repeats his charge against some of the Council of War—"some of them had no desire they should do anything because they would value their counsel given before. The Marshal had not such abilities as could be wished in a general. Speaks out of anguish to see so brave and chargeable a business so foully mis-carried." (Ibid. p. 181.)

Earlier (October 29), from the Bay of Cadiz, he had written home to Buckingham with extreme bitterness, of the capitulation of Puntal:—"On the 24th a rumour of an attack, the men marched towards the bridge, where, being faint and without provisions, the Marshall gave them some wine, under the influence of which they became unmanageable. On survey of the town, it appeared that it could only be taken by siege, for which they were unprovided. They embarked the men again to their great dishonour. He (St. Leger) proposed to march to St. Lucar, but it was not hearkened unto. The action was too great for their abilities. He is so much ashamed, that he wishes he may never live to see his sovereign, which he thinks he will not do, for his heart is broken." (Ibid. p. 136.) Before setting out he had urged Conway (September 8, 1625) that Lord Essex xi should be in supreme command, "which would give new lustre to the action." (Ibid. p. 101.) Both Gayer and Essex are condemned by Wimbledon in his published "Journal," (p. 9) of which anon. Again: Sir Michael Gayer (or Geere) gives account of the Expedition to Cadiz, with the management of which he was extremely dissatisfied—"the Earl of Essex was subordinated—the troops were unceremoniously withdrawn—the West India Fleet had peacefully gone home whilst they were looking for it—great mortality and sickness in the ships—their meat not half the king's allowance, and stank as no dog in Paris garden would eat it." (Ibid. Dec. 9, 1625, p. 174.)

One can so far sympathise with these sea-lions chafing and eating their own hearts over the inaction and "miscarriage" of the Fleet; but it were scarcely credible without the undoubted proof in these and kindred letters, that the "Lord High Admiral" was thus stabbed behind his back by his own subordinate officers, and that these attacks and complaints were received and "laid up" as State Papers by Buckingham. There is no trace of these painful letters having been in any way made known to the "Lord High Admiral," albeit in one of several from him to Buckingham he blames Sir William St. Leger, (March 7, 1626: Ibid. p. 273). There is quite a body of correspondence carefully recorded in the Calendar of 1625, (as before) and hardly a single letter fails to shed side-light on the details of our xii "Journal." Sometimes quite unexpected confirmation is obtained. Thus Wimbledon wrote to Coke on the tedious delays in sailing from Plymouth, fearing that he might misinterpret them. Letters from Coke show that he did so misinterpret matters, and wrote sharply. (Cf. pp. 116-119). The "Lord High Admirall's" own letters to Coke, and Buckingham, and others are matterful. (See "Calendar," pp. 76, 80, 98, 100, 116 (2), 119 (2), 120, 145, 146, 262 (2), 283, 290, 340 (2), 457 et passim}.

I have been strongly tempted to fetch illustrative documents as thus pointed out by the "Calendar;" but I had to abandon the idea on quickly discovering that fresh materials exist for a companion volume with the present, of at least the same extent. Moreover an examination of the MSS. of this invaluable "Calendar" resulted in superseding communications kindly addressed to me by (a) the Mayor of Plymouth (John Shelly, Esq.) and R. N. Worth, Esq. F.R.G.S.—Extracts and Notes from the Chamberlain's Books of the Corporation of Plymouth; (b) Richard W. Banks, Esq. Ridgebourne, Kingtown—A contemporary list of "the Admiralty Squadron"" of the Voyage and "prizes" taken, &c. &c. The former are much more full and authoritative and humiliating, in the Petitions and Correspondence from Plymouth as preserved in H.M. Public Record Office ("Calendar" s.v. Plymouth frequenter), whilst the latter agrees with the lists of our "Journal" and other lists xiii recorded in the "Calendar." Hence I am constrained not to use these communications; yet none the less do I thank the Senders.

Though our "Journal" has remained hitherto unprinted, a considerable proportion of its occurences appear in a nearly contemporary tractate, prepared and published by no less than the "Lord High Admiral" him self. This "Journal" appears to have fallen out of sight and to be unknown to the Historians and all. The title-page is as follows:—

IOVRNALL,

And

RELATION OF

the Action which by his Maiesties Commandement, Edward Lord Cecil, Baron of
Putney, and Viscount of Wimbledon, Admirall, and
Lieutenant-Generall of his Maiesties Forces
did vndertake vpon the Coast of
Spaine, 1625.

Veritas premitur, sed non opprimitur.
Printed in the yeere 1627.

A copy is preserved in the British Museum. It is a thin small quarto of two sheets. In every case it accords with the entries of Glanville's "Journal." It thus commences:— xiv

"The 8 of Octob. being Saterday wee set sayle about 3 of the clock in the afternoon with a wind at north north east.

Upon Sunday the 9, about 6 of the clocke in the morning, we fell in with my Lord of Essex, my Vice-Admirall, and those Shippes that were put into Falmouth with him, and about 9 in the same morning, we discovered 7 sayle that were Dutch Shippes loaden with salt; the wind continued faire enough for us all that day, to lye our course out till 12 at night. This day instructions were sent to all the Admiralls, and to other officers, and to divers other ships.

The 10, being Monday, we were becalmed.

On Tuesday, the 11, in the morning, I called a counsell for the setling of instructions for a sea-fight, as by the 7 and 10 Article contained in them may plainly appeare, viz.:—

7 Art. If the Enemies approach here in such sort as the Admirall of the Dutch and his Squadron, and the Vice-Admiral of the fleet and his Squadron may have opportunite to begin the fight, it shall be lawfull for them so to doo untill I come, using the forms, method, and care foresaid.

10 Art. If any Ship or Ships of the Enemies doe breake out or flye, the Admirall of any Squadron that shall happen to bee in the next and most convenient place for that purpose, shall send out a competent number xv of the fittest ships of his squadron to chase, assault and take such ship or ships breaking out, but no ship shall undertake such a chase without the command of the Admirall, or at least the Admirall of his Squadron.

Likewise it was ordered that 5 men should be put to a messe with the allowance formerly given for 4, and warrants directed to all the fleet to that end. (pp. 1-2.)

Here also are specific incidents that are mentioned by Granville:—

"The long Robert of Ipswich was drowned with 138 Land-men, 37 Sea-men: the Land Captaines loss in the wrecke were Fisher and Hackett, a Scotch Captaine, and Gurling, the Captaine of the Ship" (p. 2). "Besides the generall losses there was no ship in his owne particular that did not suffer more or lesse in the storm, by leakes, loss of masts, and by casualties and the like. (Ib.)"

"In this tempest we had experience of the Ann-Royall herself; her masts grew loose, her main-mast was in danger of rowling over-board, two of her great pieces of 5000 weight a peece, broke loose in the gunners room; the danger was partly by the negligence of the officers that did not see carefully to the fitting of these things while we lay in harbour; she could not Hul at all." (p. 2.)

The "Journal" has a good deal of plain-speaking in it, e.g. on the advice of the "Council" not to enter "St. Lucar," he says:— xvi

"Then I demanded both of the Sea-Captains and Masters why they could not speake of these difficulties before his Maiestie (when at Plymouth). Their answer was: It is now in the depth of winter and stormie, and that they did tell his Maiestie that it was a Barrd Haven and dangerous to all men, especially to those that had not often passed it, and that, being upon the place, they could consider more particularly upon the difficulties then discourse of it when they were farre off. So that I could say no more to them, being I was no great Seaman, and that I was strictly tide to their advice that did professe the sea." (p. 6.)

There are other tid-bits well worthy of the attention of the Historian of the period. The innocent admission of the last quotation, "being I was no great Seaman," furnishes a key to the whole un-success of the "Voyage." The impression left upon myself by the "Journal" is that the "Lord High Admiral" was singularly unqualified for high command anywhere, and emphatically "at sea." He seems to shudder at assuming authority or coming to a decision. He lacked the grand daring of Blake during the Commonwealth, and of the foremost of all seamen, Nelson. It is grotesquely sad, sadly grotesque, to come upon so many evidences of incapacity to determine for himself on a given course of action. He "hangs out the flag" for a "Council of War" on now the merest trivialities, and now on things xvii that it surely lay with himself to devise what was to be done, and then inexorably to see that he was obeyed. His heart was in the right place; he was patriotic and brave; he did not spare himself toil or personal exertion. But all was neutralised by his miserable dependence on others' judgment and his fidgetty and fussy ways. He reminds one of a later Spanish Admiral (1718) Castañeta who whilst like our own Widdrington, he fought "on his stumps" when his legs were successively shot off, was as singularly irresolute in council as he was bold in action by the verdict of so calm and judicial a historian as Earl Stanhope.

It is a sorrow to me to need thus to pronounce adversely, even strenuously condemnatory, on the head of the "Voyage;" but it were to be false to the data furnished by the "Journal," to shrink from an unmistakable pronouncement. I indulge the pleasures of hope, that when the whole story of the life and service of Sir Edward Cecil, Viscount Wimbledon, is given to the world, that other Facts and achievements will redeem the ignominousness of this "Voyage;" and it is satisfactory to know that one in every way competent is now engaged on an ample Biography from hitherto unutilized sources, viz. Charles Dalton, ESQ., F.R.S., West Cromwell Road, London. Meantime I am indebted to him for the following summary little memoir of his hero:— xviii

Hon. Edward Cecil, 3rd son of Thomas Cecil 1st Earl of Exeter. Born 29th February, 1571/2. Joined the English forces in Holland under Sir Francis Vere in 1598. Served at the defence of Bommel in 1599, and was made captain of an English foot company in the spring of that year. Served at the siege of Fort St. André in the spring of 1600. Appointed captain of a troop of horse in May 1600. Commanded his troop at the decisive battle Nieuport in Flanders 2nd July 1600, and was honourably mentioned in Sir John Ogle's account of that battle. The Spaniards laying siege to Ostend in the summer of 1601, Captain Cecil volunteered for service there, and was sent from England to the relief of that town, in command of 1000 men raised in London. On his return to England was knighted by Queen Elizabeth in September, 1601. Elected Member of Parliament for Aldborough in October. The following spring Captain Cecil returned to the Low Countries, and was made Colonel of the English horse by Prince Maurice. Accompanied the expedition of that year into Brabant, and afterwards served at the siege of Grave. On conclusion of the siege was sent with a cavalry force to Emden. Served at the siege of Sluys in 1604, and was made colonel of an English regiment in 1605. Took part in the strategic operations of the States' army in 1606 near Wesell. Appointed to the command of the 4000 English sent to besiege Juliers in 1610, with rank of general. Repeatedly mentioned for "gallantry and energy" in the English Ambassador's letters and despatches from the camp before Juliers. Accompanied Princess Elizabeth (Electress Palatine) to Germany in 1613 as treasurer. Sent by James I. on a special mission to Heidelberg in 1614. Served throughout the "phantom campaign" of that year under Prince Maurice. Was present in the chief military operations in the Low Countries, on the breaking out of the war with Spain, in the years 1620-1625. Was appointed General and Commander-in-Chief of the sea and xix land forces sent to Cadiz in the autumn of 1625. Was created Baron Cecil of Putney, and Viscount Wimbledon on 9th November, 1625.

Lord Wimbledon was a member of the Council of War temp. James I. and Charles I., and was author of several military tracts. He served with his regiment at the siege of Groll in 1627, and at the siege of Bois-le-duc in 1629. On 3rd July, 1630, Viscount Wimbledon was appointed Captain and Governor of Portsmouth for life.

Lord Wimbledon was thrice married, First to Theodosia Noel, daughter of Sir Andrew Noel, Knight, by whom, who died in 1616, he had four daughters, who survived him. He married secondly, Diana Drury, sister and co-heir of Sir Robert Drury, of Hawsted, Suffolk, by whom he had an only child, Anne Cecil, who died an infant in 1618. His third wife was Sophia Zouch, daughter of Sir Edward Zouch of Woking, Surrey, by whom he had a son, Algernon, who died an infant.

Lord Wimbledon died at his house at Wimbledon 16th November, 1638, and was buried in St. Mary's Church, Wimbledon.

I have now to gather up here certain minor things promised in my notes:

"Buckingham" (p. 2c) It were out of place to annotate so many-sided a name as this; but with relation to his pseudo-relation to "the Fleet," and his ordering of the arrangements, the following entry from Walter Yonge's "Diary," 1604-1628 (Camden Society, 1848), with its accompanying "note," claims quotation:

"15th Septr., 1625. At the end of Septr. our fleet went to sea, in which went General Colonel Cicel xx Viscount Wimelton (Wimbledon), the Earle of Essex, Denby, Mr. Glanvill. secretary of the Army, and others" (p. 88).

On this the Camden editor (George Roberts, Esq.), writes:

"Thus the command of the greatest joint-naval power that had ever spread sail upon salt water—the Dutch contributing 16 sail and the English 80 sail—was given to a very unsuccessful general, a landsman, whom the sailors, vexed at his appointment, viewed with contempt." (Ibid).
"Hollanders Fleet" (p. 2d). The "Calendar." (as before), and Viscount Wimbledon's "Journal," (as before), give important data on the part filled by the "Hollanders." It is no mere 'imagination'—is it—that the neglect and exacerbations of the Dutch "fleet" during this "Voyage" were fatally recalled and terribly avenged by Holland's sea-kings a generation later? It amazes and abases me to find so many evidences of the then shameless unreadiness and weakness of England "at sea." That so puny a nation as Holland should so have bearded England is scarcely less humiliating than that Turkey even, contemporaneously "preyed" on her shipping on her own coasts.
"St. Mary Port" (p. 35d). Instead of giving here the intended quotation on this one point from Dr. S. R. Gardiner's "History" (as cited in Notes), xxi I venture to commend the whole story of this "Voyage," as told by him, to the reader's attention. Any one interested in this "Journal" will find his reward in consulting Dr. Gardiner's admirably impartial, if not somewhat indulgent, narrative. The "Journal" certainly supplies new details of indecision and waste, unreadiness and blundering, for the historian.
I may add that the " Calendar" (as before) guides us to many important documents on the preparations and non-preparations for the "Fleet"; on the mismanagement and corruption on the part of those who supplied the "Fleet"; on the pressure on the people of Plymouth and all around, as well at the first arrival and sailing as on the return of the "Fleet"; and such revelation of wretchedness and exhaustion of seamen and soldiers and the un-seaworthyness of the ships, and mad neglect of the most ordinary provisions for safety of the "Fleet" and cognate matters, as astound. Some interesting glimpses of the visit of Charles I. to Plymouth, and of the condition of the "Fleet" are to be read in the following paper:—

"The First Visit of Charles I. to Devon, 1625. By Paul Q. Karkeek: reprinted from the Transactions of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art, 1878" (pp. 16). There are valuable lists of the contingents of men furnished to the Fleet by the several counties, "impressed soldiers" xxii and others. The dry details of this paper "live and breathe" in Henry IV. (act iv. sc. 2) and 2nd part of Henry IV. (act iii. sc. 2). Shakespeare had seen the horror and the "evil issues" of "impressment." Even Sir John Falstaff's ragged regiment was out-matched by the land-sea army of the Voyage of 1625. Altogether the marvel is that ever such a fleet returned at all. The scandalum is that with "counsels" so divided and distracted, flaccid and fluctuating, aimless and headless, the good name of England was sullied and lowered. How different the account of Cadiz and the "Plate Fleet" and our "enemy" altogether, if a Raleigh, a Drake, or a Blake-like, or Nelson-like man had 'commanded' our fleet! As it was, there was movement without definite purpose, activity without advance, duty enjoined and owned without performance, "councils of war" without adequate result, and emphatically sheer and wanton waste of preparations and opportunities. Our "Journal" sheds lurid light on a page of national shame that even at this late day calls to be accentuated. A document (also preserved in H.M. Public Record Office) puts us in possession of the "Instructions" of the Government—Buckingham—and the King to the "Lord High Admiral," and is of the last interest. It reveals that the "Instructions" sent out by Wimbledon (as recorded in the "Journal") followed almost literatim those sent him by the King and Buckingham. This xxiii being the case, it scarcely seems needful to reproduce either in extenso. But a few illustrative quotations may be given for comparison with the "Journal" (as above), e. g.:—

"First and above all things you shal provide that God be duly served twice a day by everie ships companie, according to the usual prayers and Liturgie of the Church of England." Again—"You shall take care to have all your companies live orderly and peaceably; and to cause everie Captain, Master, and other officer faithfully to performe the dutie of his place. And if anie seaman or soldier shall raise tumult or conspiracie, or committ murder, quarrel, fight, or draw weapon to that end, or bee a swearer, blasphemer, drunckard, pilferer, or sleep at his watch or sett, or shall not keep his caban cleanly: or bee discontented with the proportion of victuals assigned unto him, or shall spoile or wast them, or anie other necessarie provisions for the shippe, or that shall not keep cleane his armes, or shall go ashore without leave, or shall bee found guiltie of anie other crime or offence, you shall use due severitie in the punishment and reformation thereof, according to the known orders and customs of the sea." Once more:—"You shall require everie Captain, Master, and others to performe unto you due respect and obedience: not taking the wind of you at anie time, if they be not forc'd to do it, but keeping companie unto you as much as may be, xxiv and speaking with you everie morning to know your pleasure, if the wind do permitte, and coming abord you as often as you shall put out your flag of council," &c. Further:—"And because al particulars for sea and land service can not be limited with special instructions without leaving manie things to the wisdom, prudence, and good manageing of the commanders in al such occurrences and generally in all things which are not or shall not be expressly directed, you are to use your own best iudgement and dyscretion, following the advice of such a Council as is assigned unto you. That having your own experience and resolution fortified by the consent of at least the greater part of the said Counsellors you may give the better accompt of your actions, so as the success may be the more hopeful for the repressing of the ambition of that overgrowing power which hath long threatened and disturbed al Christendom, and of the attaining and setting of such a happie peace as both his Maiestie and his late father of renowned memorie, has long and carefully sought after, and as may tend to the honour of God, the preservation of true religion, the honour of his Maiestie, and the safetie of his kingdom." Finally—as to be noted in relation to our Journal—"You shall cause a iournal to be kept, and shall advertise mee from time to time of al your proceedings and of all things you think fit in your wisdom for mee to know or make known to his Maiestie. And so to God's blessing xxv I commend your safetie and good success. From y^e Court at Hollbury, 26^th August, 1625." A single sentence from the King's "Instructions" not incorporated in Buckingham's, deserves preservation. "This beinge a warre for our defence and to constraine our adversaries to reason and restitution, we require you by all means to forbeare the sheddinge of the bloode of anie that attempt you not, or resist you not unto armes, as women, children and aged men, and those that render themselves to our mercie and yours."

I would now briefly give the main facts in the life of the writer of this "Journal" Sir John Glanville, gratefully drawing the most of my facts from the following important (privately printed) book:

"Records of the Anglo-Norman House of Glanville from A.D. 1050 to 1880." By William Urmston S. Glanville-Richards, Esq., 1882 (4^o pp. xx. 229).

John Glanville was a younger son of Judge Glanville, and brother to Sir Francis Glanville. He was born at Kilworthy, near Tavistock, about 1589. By his father's will he inherited Kilworthy; but with fine unselfishness he "gave up" the estate to his elder brother. At an early age he was entered as a student at Lincoln's Inn—thus sustaining the family tradition of numerous lawyers. The prestige given him by his father and ancestry, started him well. He rose rapidly in his profession, and was known to have a large "practice" as a xxvi "councillor" at law. In the year 1614 he was elected Recorder of Plymouth, and M.P., in association with Thomas Sherwell for the same town. He was successively re-elected to the Parliaments of 1620, 1623, 1625, 1626, and 1628. On February 6th, 1620, he spoke memorably in the House of Commons on "the decrease of money." His bearing and tone were like Eliot's and Pym's, though soothe to say onward, he sank the patriot in the courtier, and sustained pseudo-perogative rather than the nation's rights. The tide of high and independent spirit sorrowfully ebbed and left breadths of slime or barren sand, as compared with what it was when "Mr. Recorder Glanville and Sir Henry Martin" were intrusted with the Petition of Right to secure its passage through the House of Lords, and when the former delivered his supreme speech on The Liberty of the Subject "in the Painted Chamber at Westminster," on 23rd May 1628. The "Records" reproduces this great speech in full (pp. 107-116).

It was prior to this, viz., in October 1625, and as shewn by his "Reasons" (pages vi.-viii.) in the face of his own remonstrances, he was appointed Secretary-at-War of the "Voyage" to Cadiz.

In 1630 he was chosen Lent Reader of his House, and on the 20th May of the same year advanced to the rank of Sergeant-at-Law. In 1635 Glanville and Mr. Rolles were "ordered by the Lords sitting in the Star xxvii Chamber to end the difference (if they were able) between Lord Poulett and the Rev. Richard Gove" the latter name still quick from a golden little Puritan book of his.

He further held the office of Notary and Prothonotary to the Court of Chancery with the fee of £100 per annum (==£500 to-day) payable out of the Hamper in trust for "Lady Thomasine Carew and John Houston, his Majesty's servant, in reversion with John Glanville."

In the year 1639 he was appointed Judge in a critical case wherein Laud was profoundly interested.

In the historical Parliament of 1640 he was "chosen" as Speaker of the House of Commons. He was "coy" and humble in pleading the "disadvantage to the House" of such an appointment; but saying, "he would ne'er consent—consented."

His Speech addressed to the King on the confirmation of the "choice" of the House was relatively short but most suggestive, if not ominous. It remains among the great Speeches given in Parliament. One antique flavoured bit will shew the sentiment of it in that perilous time.

"Were this nation never so valiant and wealthy, if unity be not among us; what good will riches do us or your Majesty but enrich the conquerors? He that commands all hearts by love, he only commands assuredly; greatness without goodness can at least but command xxviii bodies. It shall therefore be my hearty prayer, that such a knot of love may be knit betwixt the head and the members, that, like Gordian's, it never be loosed; that all Jesuited foreign states, who look asquint upon our Hierusalem, may see themselves defeated of all the subtle plots and combinations, of all their wicked hopes and expectations to render us, if their mischief might take effect, a people inconsiderable at home and contemptible abroad. Religion hath taught us "si deus nobiscum quis contra nos?" and experience I trust will teach us "si sumus insuperabiles." It was found, and I hope it will ever be the term of the House of Commons, that the king and the people's good cannot be severed, and cursed be every one who goes about to destroy them."

It is pitiable that a man originally so high-hearted and strong succumbed to "the divinity" that "doth hedge a king," and forgot the kingdom in the king, the nation for the one.

In 1641 he was knighted. Through the debates on the "Subsidies" that took the place of alleged sovereign right, and "ship-money," he bore himself pliantly not stoutly impartial. He is a "poor thing," compared with John Hampden in the Parliament of 1641. The power and pathos of his speeches were as great and influential as ever; but the integrity of principle was gone from them. It was too evident he xxix sought to please, not merely advise, the King. In Royalist phrase, he became a "sufferer." It was inevitable. The House of Commons could not suffer itself to be concussed or over-ruled. The "Dissolution" of the Parliament opened a tragedy that was consummated at Whitehall window.

In 1645 Glanville was held for "a desperate malignant." He was in prison from 1645 (at least) to 1648. How different this from a former imprisonment in 1636, for having spoken "too freely of the prerogative!" In 1648 he "compounded" for his "delinquency."

He represented the University of Oxford during the Commonwealth. It raises a smile to find the Historian of the family at this time of day thus writing: "The University of Oxford, ever honourable and consistent, even under the most dangerous circumstances and times, was bold enough to return Sir John Glanville as her burgess in one of the Parliaments held in the days of the usurper." "Usurper," indeed! A more egregious anachronism is inconceivable. It is to traduce the nation's deliberate choice and to slander England's greatest Ruler. He lived on with distinction; but never recovered his early renown as a free-spoken, daring man, single-hearted for his country.

About 1615 he had married Winifred, daughter of William Bouchier of Baunley, co. Gloucester, esquire, of "good blood." By his wife he had issue four sons xxx and three daughters. His best memorial is to be found in his speeches as preserved in the "Parliamentary Debates," and Rushworth's Collections. His legal-political writings have been pronounced to be still valuable. One minor incident in his life is that he rescued the afterwards venerable and illustrious Sir Matthew Hale, later Chief Justice of England, from a "fast and idle life," under singular circumstances. He died at Broad Hinton Manor, on 2nd October, 1661. In 1673, his widow erected a 'stately' monument in the parish church, which "remaineth unto this day." In the "Records" his portrait is effectively—given a large, bluff, "King Hal" looking man—large-featured every way, nose and eyes and mouth—but not forehead—most noticeable. ("Records," pp. 106-125: Woolrych's "Lives of Serjeants," s.v., &c., &c).

It only remains that I mention four things: (a) That the MS. of this "Journal" is reproduced in absolute integrity, save that contractions are extended and the modern v substituted for u and j for i, and the like. (b)That the Notes have been intentionally made as brief as might be; my only regret being that in spite of willing and eager help, it has not been found possible to recover information on the "Captains" and other brave men whose names appear in the lists. (c) That the MS. is a small quarto in vellum. The mark / notes the end of a page of the MS. The handwriting is a xxxi most difficult one to decipher, (d) That I owe my best thanks to Samuel R. Gardiner, Esq., LL.D.; Charles Dalton, Esq.; John Shelly, Esq.; R. A. Worth, Esq.; Dr. Brinsley Nicholson; Richard W. Banks, Esq.; and the "Records" of the Glanvilles.

ALEXANDER B. GROSART.

  St. George's Vestry,
    Blackburn, Lancashire,
      August 8th, 1883.

xxiii

POSTSCRIPT.

Since the Introduction was printed off, by the kindness of Dr. S. R. Gardiner, I have been favoured with two letters (hitherto unpublished) by Sir Edward Cecil. These, his memory is entitled to have printed, and accordingly I right gladly add them here. They have been copied, with the kind permission of Earl Cowper, from the collection of Sir John Coke, Secretary to Charles I., now in his possession at Melbourne Hall:—

SIR EDWARD CECYLL TO SIR J. COKE.

[HOLOGRAPH.]

Right Honourable, [Nov. 8, 1625].

I have written my particular journall to his Ex^cie my Lo: Duke which I think will bee opened before his returne; if hee bee out of England, as he did determine at my departure: so that I shall not neede to bee so particular as otherwise I would.

All I can say is, that our journeie hath not deceived mee; beeing a winter journeie, finding an enemie so long prepared for us, having no harbour to befrend us; wanting our long boats to land our men & hardlie a ship of the whole fleete cleane enough for the chase of a prize, yet to our powers with theise inconveniences wee have not beene wanting, notwithstanding there is such a crying out of leakes & dangers of the Kinges shippes; which are old & unfitt indeed for theise seas, especiallie in winter. And my shippe hath as much xxxiv cause to complaine as anie; both for her leakes; the danger of loosing her manie [main?] mast; & her ill condition refusing by anie meanes to hull in the storme; when shee took in so much water, as all the mariners were forced to work in water up to the knees.

Our prizes are yet but 3, laden for the port of Callis (as we judge) with Dunkirkes goodes. If their bills of lading bee well examined; there will bee money (in some measure) found, as well as marchandizes. The Commissarie Generall, by my order, did give forth some butts of sack to the Colonelles, by way of provision for beuberarge [beverage], whereof their is a just account kept; & now I am speaking of Cap^ne Mason, this commissary, I must needes recommend him to your Honour, for an honest, sufficient, carefull officer, as any could have beene employed in the place. This sack I granted to the deliverie of, yet nothing neare the proportion demanded. [This shows that the beverage mentioned at p. 52 must have been a compound of wine, and not weak cyder.] My Lo. of Essex, the Vice Admirall, had a barrell of Tabacco, & my Lo. of Denbigh another, which I could not denie them. And though I might have made myselfe an allowance in some measure, yet I have taken nothing, but a few lymons and oranges that would have beene spoiled in the passage. The Dutch Admirall looks for a fivth of the Prizes, according to the contract.

I have had so much adoe to keepe the Cap^nes that did chase the prizes from breaking bulk, that I know not how to prevent it; first in regard they are for the most part taken so farre off my ship as I cannot send to them in anie time; secondly by reason of the meanes & commodities they have for the secrett carriage of the abuse, by putting their owne men abourd the prizes; & now that I take a more strict order for the prevention, they grow very lazie, & will hardlie looke out for a saile. Capt^ne Raymond (now dead) had by this deceit gotten for his private 4 or 5 barrells of Coochenille, which I have, since his death, caused to be brought xxxv into mine owne ship, where it remaines upon a safe account; considering there had beene no trusting it loose, abord the Prize again. This kind of stealing is a thing of such custome at sea, that without more wages & a more particular oath of true service, I cannot see how it will bee remidied.

I have thought fitt, with the advise of the Counsell, to send theise prizes, with some of our worst colliars, & such foote as wee can best spare, and the horse-boates, because wee find there can but litle bee done by land, and not much by sea (considering our shippes proove so faultie already), onlie (if we can) to keepe the Plate Fleete from arriving this part of the winter, for the performeing of which service (our shippes daily complayning, & our men decaying), I can find it to no purpose that my Lord Duke should send a reliefe of victual, for, having no Harbour, wee know not where wee shall bee found. If his Ex^cie intend us a reliefe, it may please him to lett it consist rather of another fleete of 40 or 50 shippes, strong & cleane, or to give order that a number of this fleete may be returned home and made readie to come out againe (whilst the rest staie here), to continue our attendance for the Plate Fleete, which will bee the greatest hindrance to the K. of Spaines proceedinges that can be propounded, I thinke; in which service wee that are now at sea will doe our best, but by all our computaçons we are not provided to hold out heere longer then Christmas, and I shall bee sorrie to see so good a beginning to this purpose lost for want of a supplie, seeing that so long as his Ma^tie shall have a good fleete heere at sea, wee maie with good reason hope that England and Ireland will by this meanes bee well defended & Spaine blocked up. And to this end the States will not bee wanting, because they know it is the true way, & no other; since we have begun with the K. of Spaine to drive him to the defence of himselfe, onlie that hitherto hath offended [i.e., who has hitherto only attacked] both us & our frends. xxxvi

I have appointed officers for the command of the men & the care of the victual; the men being to remainie on shipboard till his Ma^ties pleasure bee knowne; & all this gouverned to the advantage of his Ma^ties service. And I could wish that if his Ma^tie resolve to continue a warre, theise landmen maie bee bestowed in some guarrisons to be exercised to their musquettes, for alwaies to raise new men will be a a charge cast away to our dishonour; but whether it will be better to have them kept in their countries where possiblie they may live with lesse charge to his Ma^tie, I leave to the higher Powers. Besides the sick men, I have sent others for the better guard of the ships wee took (which we have now found lawfull prize), & some shippes to convoy them, which I referre to his Ma^ties pleasure, whether they shall be returned to us or not.

There came an Argier man into our Fleete with two Prizes, one of sugars, & an Englishman laden with Spanish goods, some iron, & knee timber for shipping; wee detained neither of them. But hee hath left the Englishman with us, who is now our Prize, & sent with the rest.

I am to make an humble suite to your Hon^r, that in regard his Ma^tie was pleased by my Lord Dukes meanes to give mee the choise of what place I desired my viscountship, which (at first) I did choose of Wimbledon, that now, upon better consideration I may have it to bee Lord Cecyll, Vycount Latymer, because it was the antient Title of my grandfather by my mother's side, & now extinguished. This Favour, if yow can procure mee, yow shall for ever bind mee to bee your servant. And so returning to my sea-busines, I remaine,

Yo^r H^rs humble servant,

From abourd the Anne royall,
the 8th of Novem. 1625. ED. CECYLL.

[The title of Viscount Wimbledon, promised to him before he sailed, was not actually conferred till the following year.] xxxvii

SIR E. CECYLL TO SIR JOHN COKE.

[AUTOGRAPH SIGNATURE.]

Right Hon^ble [Feb. 27, 1625/6.]

As God hath not ordained winter for fruite, nor greate proffitt, but rayther for calamities, miseries, and misfortunes, so we have found it true in this journey; having tasted and tried the extremities of all, neither had we any reason to expect much the contrary (as I told you before my departure) and writte the same to his Ma^tie from shipboard, which I deferred to doe before, to avoid the opinion that I should refuse any danger, or inconvenience whatsoever; when I did see his Ma^tie and my Lord Duke so resolved, howsoever, having learned that obedience in Italic which saith Che fa, il Principe & bin fatto. [The Secretary who wrote this from dictation does not seem to have been an Italian scholar.]

All our happines being that it hath pleased God miraculously to preserve most of his Ma^ties shipps, and some of us, who have some more experience then we had, to do his Ma^tie service, which is some kind of recompense for the greate charge he hath beene at in this journey, since his Ma^tie meaneth to continue a warre. For more ignorant captans and officers can hardlie be found, and men more carelesse of his Ma^ties honour and profitt, as if they were rather enemies then servants, studying their owne ease and comoditie more then anything els, which had they not done there might have beene much more done; and officers are so sett uppon cosnage and theeverie that they rather combine with the marriners then correct them, their oune faults are so greate and the cause of all.

When I came first one board, it seemed very strange to me to see the marriners so given to stealing; but when I found officers to favor such theeves, I likewise found that officers could not well cosin his Ma^tie and share fees, but by having theeves at xxxviii theire commaund, to convey such fees away, whereby themselves might not be taken in the manner, and good and sufficient men will not so soone do these base offices; therefore they gett boyes, and of the worst sorte, to serve theire turnes, with whome the officers do share lickewise with them in wages when they are boyes, and unsufficient men, and his Ma^tie by this meanes is ill served, and double cosoned: for he is not only cosoned in the officers but by the marriners themselves likewise; for they will not only steale for an other and live honestly but spend so much time and of their mindes that they find but litle leasure to looke after his Ma^ts profitt in preserving such utencells about the shipp, that cost his Ma^tie much in providing, and would save not a litle if it were better husbanded. But his Ma^ts ill fortune is (if the custome be not broken) that his profitt and theires are contrary things, for his Ma^ts losse is theire fees, which they gett not by labour but by negligence, and I feare this will hardly be remedied, unless his Ma^tie have better and more understanding Cap^tns. For I find that the ignorance of the Cap^tn maketh him be led by these officers for want of knowledge to oversee them, for all his knowledge reacheth not much further then to trust to them. If the States were no better served they were never able to indure a warre against so powerfull a king as they do; for it is not only mony that maintaineth theire warre but care and industrie, and especially good husbandrie of theire monie, wherein they do excell, and I will call no other witnesse to prove this argument but the Commissioners that have saved his Ma^tie so much by that meanes; for had his Ma^tie all the mony in the world (not being well lookt unto, and well laid out) it would not serve the turne; for cosnage, negligence, and ignorance are more chargeable to his Ma^tie then his paye, which maketh the expence of warre seeme more uglie then it is, there being nothing in the world which requireth more good husbandrie then warre; wherein I have found by experience in this journey much wante, both that there have beene but fewe that have xxxix any mind to do his Ma^ts service, and if there have been any they find so much opposiçon that the most are against them, which Sir Tho: Love and I have found too common in this journey, whom if I should not commend for his care, industrie, and sufficiencie for his Ma^ts proffitt and honour I should do his Ma^tie and my conscience much wronge; besides he has plaid the Cap^tn, M^r, and all other officers in the shipp wherein I have beene, where there hath beene so much neede (as in any shipp of the fleete whatsoever) and by his experience and skill I have learned to do his Ma^tie the more service and to assist him, for we have had but fewe to helpe us.

I cannott answer for those shippis that gained England so long before us, what account they have made of their victualls and munition, which may appeare by those shipps that have beene with mee at Kinsale. For when we came from thence, which was about the xxiiith of Januarie for Beere Haven, they had 6, 7, 8, and 9 monthes victualls for themselves. As for the King's shipps, theire allowance was out the 16^th of Januarie or thereabouts; and you shall find we have made shifte to hould out longer, though for the shipp wherein I am, ther is no shipp hath hadd that occasion of expence and wante, in regard of the company I did carrie with me, besides the comming to counsell, and resorte of all sortes; and yet there is wanting of her allowance 40 or 50 tuns of beare, that by those shipps were appointed to carrie for me (but as I may say better they carried away from us), for I did never see dropp of it, which hath put us to some wante and misery. But I have learned that experience to have no men hereafter carrie beare for me; and I feare this beare will not remaine accountable, unlesse it be uppon the false accounts of leakage.

We have beene as carefull for the rest of the fleete that have beene beaten uppon the coasts of Ireland (only one shipp where Cap^t Butler put in about Ullster uppon the North of Ireland) both for instruccons how they should order theire victualls, and in releiving them the best I could with mony, especially the king's xl shipps (for theire sicke men) in regarde they were not victualled for so long a time as the rest were; and I have releived likewise the land-sicke men and officers untill my Lord President Villiers of Munster received them into his charge by order from the Lords of the Councell, and yet with no greate charge to his Ma^tie, for that, as you know, we had no greate store of mony with us at the first, and had we not hadd that we had beene most miserable, for there we wold have no credditt, nor any thing without mony; and, although we have beene long absent, yet we have ordred the victualls so that his Ma^tie is not at much more charge than if these shipps that have beene in Ireland had been at Plimouth, for his Ma^tie could not have made better proffitt then to have kept his sea-men so much the longer, upon the same charge that was first made. And when the charge of this journey shalbe compared (I meane for extraordinarie charge) with other journeyes that had no landmen with them, and by proporçon, we shall not be found ill husbands for his Ma^tie.

And, although this journey may seeme chargeable to his Ma^tie, for that it hath returned him no present proffitt, yet in regard it hath beene one of the first actions since our long peace, no doubt but it may turne to his Ma^ties greate proffitt for the breeding of officers and marriners, who have had greate neede, and shewne themselves very ignorant and rawe in this journey; for it is as husbandrie is, that has cost much in plowing and sowing; but the fruite lieth yet in the ground, and his Ma^tie may expect a good cropp in the next journey if God will please to blesse us. For, as there have beene brave Capt^ns and officers heretofore of our nation (and now but very few), so it will no doubt, but with practise, be so againe, for men are borne (as you know) souldiers, but made and bredd soldiers and marriners [Most likely Cecil intended to have wrote "are borne, as you know, but made and bred soldiers and mariners."]; for the occupacon of warre is the greatest occupaçon in the world, for it comprehends all other occupaçons in it. And xli if his Ma^tie hath gotten but this commoditie, that is, to have exercised his subjects in the discipline of warre, after so long a peace; and to have given by this action a publicke notice to all his allies (that have long looked for it) that he hath dared to breake with the greate king of Spaine, that hath so often broke his worde with him, and to have offred him warre so publiklie at his owne doores, both by sea and land; no doubt but it will returne much to his honor and proffitt especially to the kingdome. For, if we hadd lived any longer (as I find by this journey), we should have proved in the end the most basest nation in the world, and not to have beene able to have defended our owne kingdome, which hath beene conquered four times already, not for want of men or mony, but practise, which maketh the king of Spaine so greate, so powerfull, and so fortunate in all his proceedings. And, although I have spent most of my life in land service, this having beene my first action by sea (though true discipline doth not differ in either), for order and commaund should be as well at sea as at land, and that which is most strickt is best, wherein, for anything I see, we did passe the sea-men, but this winter journey hath learned us so much, in regard of our many inconveniencies, that I doubt not but to propound somthing unto you that shall returne much to his Ma^ts service. For as the Commissioners have done admirable things for his Ma^ts profitt, and for the advancing of the Navie at home, that never was done before in this kingdome, to my Lord Admiralls greate honor, in whose time it was done, whereas everyone knowes you to be the soule of the Commission, and sole doer, so I hope we that have beene abroad have studied with all care we could, how to returne some profitt to his Ma^ts service.

The cheife thing wherein we hope to do his Ma^ts service is to have his marriners better paid; his Ma^tie to have more honor and his service to receave more profitt, and yet his Ma^ties charge not to be increasd, but rather lessened, and all parties more contented, xlii for as his Ma^ts pay is now, all good saylors flye his service both in the kingdome and out of the kingdome, and serve rather his enemies then otherwise, which is both unprofitable and unhonorable in regard that God hath given his Ma^tie no way so advantagious against his greate enemies as by sea; and his seamen are not in that greate quantities as his landmen, especially they that are good. Therfore it were a greate pollicie (in my poore judgment) to cherrish them and breede them with as much care as may be. These which his M^tie hath had in this action wer the worst that ever were seene, and it is so confessed by the most experienced seamen that have beene with us; for they are so out of order and commaund and so stupified, that punish them or beate them, they will scarce stirre, doing theire duties so unwillinglie as if they had neither harte nor minde to do any service, theire ordinarie talke being that his Ma^tie presseth them, and giveth them so litle meanes that they are not able to live on it, and that it were better to be hanged or serve the King of Spaine, or the Turke, then his Ma^tie, and I have beene forced to punish some of these men soundlie. Therfore, if those men may be better encouraged by a litle more pay they will do his Ma^tie more service, and his Ma^tie never the more charged, I thinke it will prove no ill service. For I must confesse that the labour and misery which a good marriner sustaineth at sea, especiallie in a winter journey, is beyond all labour in the world, and needes most incouradgment; wherfore of all husbandrie in the world there cannot be less gotten then out of the wages af a marriner, which is best found by the merchaunts that gaine by them, as it is most manifiest in a travilling beast, for take away parte of his provender and what is gotten if he tyer; it being in this as in all things els as y^e Italian saith which is the wisest of all nations, though the most miserable of any, that che pieu [Chi più] a spende manco spende; xliii and it is true that if his Ma^ts pay were but as other men's are, to them that deserve it, he might have such as no Prince can have. For now his pay is as much to a boy or a child as it is to the most skillfullest and ablest marriner in the Navie, which must needes greive the best, incouradge the worst, and make his Ma^tie to have the more boyes and children to serve him, as it is now at this instant.

If it would please my Lord Admirall to consider this point and many others by the inconveniences we have found by this journey, and call whom he will before him in your presence, who is full of understanding and industrie, to disgest some better orders for the goverment of his Ma^ties fleete, and to have them printed; he may do his Ma^ty a greate service, and himself a perpetuall honour; for, as it is now, there is neither order or commaund, and it seemeth never hath bin before: for I see yo^r Chatham men, both officers and marriners, the most disorderly and the most unprofitable to his Ma^tie.

I cannot but give you a tast how unfortunate we have been in this winter journey with the Anne-Royall, for had I but had that experience I now have, I would have refused her for another shipp. For I find that such greate shipps (and especiallie the old ones) that are so over loaden with ordnance, are not for an offensive warre, but more fitte for a defensive at home; for when she was rowling and working in the Spanish seas in fowle weather (which we have not wanted) her owne burden did her more harme than anything els, and had we not put much of the ordnance into the hould, the shipp had sunke in the sea, she proved so leakie; so that we are all of opinion that shipps of 800, or rather of 700, 600 and so smaller and smaller stronglie built, without carving, are fitter for such journeyes, both in regarde of the charge and fittness for service, with the same charge, and may have more of them, wherein the Commissioners are much to be commended for such sized shippes as xliv they have made, which have proved so well this journey, that I cannot sufficiently commend them both for strenght and so well condiçoned. I could wish that his Ma^tie had enough of them, and that I had been so happie to have spent as much time in one of them as I have done in the Anne-Royall, and if I had had a good and strong shipp to have kept the seas, the fleete had not quitted me, as most of them did, when we bore homeward, neither hadd I seene Ireland, where I have beene blockt up so long, by reason of the leakes of my shipp, that brought into Kinsale above 6 foote of water in her hold, scarce having had 15 sound men in a watch to pompe and handle her sayles, and her foreyard spent. We stayed in the harbour of Kinsale 7 weekes, and, the winde comming to the northwest, we put out to sea, but the winde serving but 15 houres, returned to her old corner, which was south-east with some foule weather, that beate so much to the westward, that had we not recovered Bears Haven, God knowes whether we had beene driven and (our shipp being so leakie) what had become of us. After 3 weekes we put againe to sea, and by a contrarie winde was beaten into Crooke Haven, so that we have surveyed most of the South Coast of Ireland. Here we stayed until the xxiii^th, at which time the no: no: west, we put to sea the third time.

Thus you see how ill fortune hath haunted us. But that which troubleth me most is to have so many come home before me, in so unfortunate a journey, when there are so many mouths open to do ill offices, and untruth hath most creditt, and maketh most impression at the first. By two kinds of people especially, which I only suspect. The first is such as did rather envie the greatness of my comaund then pittie the greatnes of my cares and paines. The other are such as have suffred much miserie and wante, and could not have so much as they desired, nor do what they listed. I must confesse there was never any thing that did trouble me more at my going out then that I had not meanes to give everyone content; for xlv although it was not my fault, yet I knew it would fall on me; for they durst not lay it upon any one els, and being full, utter it they must. And it is one of the dangerousest pointe in commaund to commaund without mony, and to have litle mony to content them, for there is nothing that will make a man more hated or slandred than that; for to punish and not to paye is ever receaved in an armie for tirannie. But if his Ma^tie have receaved any service by it, I shall carry my cross chearefullie, for that I suffer for his sake.

I cannott forbeare to let you knowe that of all the kings Cap^tns S^r Mic[hael] Geere hath carried himselfe worst in his Ma^ties service, and hath much deceaved my expectation. The perticulers I will let you know at my arrivall. If my letter seems to tedious, you must excuse it, for the tediousness of the time, living a quarter of a yeare on shipboard in havens, bredd it, and that I know your industrie and sinceritie in his Ma^ties service so greate that you cannott be tired with any thing that doth make mention towards that which hath begotten the lenght of it.

I have sent this beerer, Captⁿ Marberie, to my Lord Admirall, to let him knowe of my arrivall here, and to know his Ex^cies pleasure, how he will dispose of the shipping and me. And if there be no occasion to the contrarie, as I thinke there is not, that it would please him to send me his leave. For I desire nothing more then to have the happines to see his Grace. Till when, I shall remaine on shipboard, taking that best care I can for his Ma^ties service. And so I rest, assuring myself of your good opinion, for that I am,

Your affectionate servante,
to be commaunded,

From the Downes, the 27 of February. ED: CECYLL.

These two letters, in their strange lumbering and inaccurate style and spelling, remind one of Cromwell's xlvi speeches. They accentuate the fact of the deplorable condition of the Fleet even on setting sail. They must also be accepted as confirmation that the Admiral was badly served. But they equally confirm his helpless incapacity to grapple with bad servants and unexpected difficulties.

THE VOYAGE TO CADIZ.

A relation touching the ffleete and Armie of the King's most Excellent Ma^tie King Charles, sett forth in the first yeare of his highnes Raigne 1625, and touching the order, proceedings, and actions of the same ffleete and Armie.

His most Excellent Ma^tie having with greate costes and care prepared and furnished a Royall ffleete of fourescore and tenn Sayle of good shipps and six Catches [ketches: "vessels of the galliot order equipped with 2 masts the main and mizen usually from 100 to 250 tons burden. Ketches were principally used as yachts for conveying great personages from one place to another" (Admiral Smyth's Sailors' Word-Book).] with about 5000 sea-men to conducte and manne them: and an Armie of 10000 land soldiers readie to bee transported in the same shipps for the Coastes of Spaine, The Duke of Buckingham [See our Introduction for brief notice of Buckingham and other frequently recurring names of the MS.] his grace, Lord high Admirall of England &c. was constituted by his Ma^tie and did intend originallie/ to have gone in person as Lord Generall and Admirall in this Action, But upon some intervenient [intervening, but with the Latinate present participle ending ient (iens) instead of ing. Bp. Hall and South use the word, and Hall uses the substantive 'intervenience.'] occasions of great importance, it was finallie resolved to the contrarie, And S^r Edward Cecyll, Kn^t, formerlie appointed for Lord Marshall of the feild, was now designed and 2 authorized by deputaçon from the Duke of Buckingham to goe the voyage, not onelie as Lord Marshall but alsoe as Commander in cheife both by Sea & Land, by the further titles of Lord Leiutenant Generall of his Ma^tie's Fleete and Armie and Admirall to the Admirall of England. The ffleete contayned 265,000 tonnes, & was devided into three Squadrons, The Admirall's, Vice Admirall's, and Reare-Admiralls. The Lord Leiutenant Generall, &c. goeing as Admirall in/ his Ma^tie's good shipp the Ann-Royall, The Earle of Essex, [son of the great Earl of the name, and later, commander-in-chief of the Parliamentary Army during the Civil War.] a Vice-Admirall in the Swift-shewer, and S^r ffrancis Steward, [On this somewhat stained name, see Dr. S. Rawson Gardiner's History of England, under the Duke of Buckingham and Charles I. vol. i. 293, 313, 314.] kn^t, Rere-Admirall in the Lyon. Every of these Squadrons haveing alsoe a Vice Admirall and Rere Admirall; all which places were supplied by severall shipps of his Ma^ties.

The Armie was devided into tenn Regimentes, whereof the first belonged to the Duke of Buckingham as Lord Generall, and in his absence it was commanded by S^r John Prode, kn^t, [Prode—sometimes 'Proude,' was Lieut.-colonel in Sir Charles Morgan's regiment of foot in the Low Countries, and his service for this Expedition was specially requested from the Prince of Orange by Buckingham.] especiallie deputed to that purpose. The second Regiment belonged to the Lord Leiutenant Generall as he was Lord Marshall, The third to Robert Earle of Essex by the tytle of Colonell Generall, The fourth to Henry Viscount of Valentia in Ireland, [see Burke's Extinct Peerage, s. n.] Master of the Ordinance for this Action, The 5^th to S^r William St. Leger, kn^t, [St. Leger was Sergeant-major in Cecil's regiment in the Low Countries, and was also specially asked like Prode. See Gardiner, as before, s. 129, 319; and Letters of his in Cal. of State Papers (Dom. Series) 1625.] Seriant major generall, The 6^th to S^r Charles Riche, kn^t, [younger brother of the second Earl of Warwick and the first Earl of Holland. His mother was Penelope, sister of Queen Elizabeth's Earl of Essex. He afterwards became Lord President of Munster, and died in 1622.] by the name of 3 Colonell Riche, The 7^th to S^r Edward Conwey, kn^t [S^r Edward Conway eldest son of the first Viscount Conway, and succeeded to the title in the 4th of Charles I. (see Burke's Ext. Peerage i. n.). He commanded an English regiment in the Low Countries in 1625. He afterwards commanded the English troops at the Rout of Newburn in 1640. (See Gardiner, as before, frequenter under Conway and Lord Conway).] by the name of Colonell Conwey, The 8^th to S^r Edward Whorewood, kn^t [Sir Edward Harewood, who was colonel of an English regiment in the Low Countries. He was killed at the siege of Maestricht in 1632, and lies buried in the Cloister Church at the Hague, under a tablet to his memory erected by his brother officers.] by the name of Colonell Whorewood, The 9th to S^r John Burgh, kn^t [Buckingham's second in command at Rhe; killed there. (See Gardiner, as before, ii. 129, 142.] by the name of Colonell Burgh, and the 10^th to S^r Henry Bruce, knight, [untraced among the many of the name] by the name of Colonell Bruce.

Everie Regiment consisted of about 1000 men, and was subdevided into 11 companies furnished with Captaines and all other Commanders and officers usuall in Armies, onelie the Duke's Regiment was devided but into tenn Companies.

Alsoe there were readie to bee transported for land services tenn peeces of great brass Ordinance, to batter withall, and as manie small feild peeces, with 50 horses to drawe ordinance, and well neere as many more for the use of the cheife land Commanders.

Upon the 15^th of September 1625 the King accompanied with the Duke of Buckingham and divers other Lordes came in person to Plymouth (where the ffleete then rode at Anchor) to advance and sett forward the Action: here his Ma^tie stayed till the 24^th of the same month, and in the meane tyme went aboard many of the shipps, and at Roweborough Downe [Roborough Down, an open 'down' about 5 miles from Plymouth, on the way to Tavistock.] tooke a veiwe of the whole Armie, using all dilligence in his owne person to accomodate & send/ them forth about the intended enterprise and for an incouragement 4 to all men imployed in this service and to testifie his gratious affection towardes the sea and land Commanders, bestowed the honor of knighthood upon divers of the Captaines of his owne shipps and upon some other Captaines of land Companies.

The King being gone from Plymouth, the Duke of Buckingham with S^r John Coke, kn^t, [the historical Coke, worthy of kinship to Sir Edward.] one of his Ma^tie's principall Secretaries of State, tarried behind certaine daies to speede the departure of the ffleete with all possible expedition, and soe farr prevailed by their extraordinary industrie, that by the third of October the Soldiers being shipped and about 40 sayle of the ffleete sent before to ffalmothe, all the rest of the shipps were/ drawne out into the Sound of Plymouth and rode there at Anchor, expecting [it may be worth while noting that in this MS. this verb is used somewhat differently from present-day use. Now, 'expecting' as distinguished from 'waiting' differs in its inferring a greater probability of occurrence, albeit it is still 'waiting for' as its derivation also implies, ex-spectare = to look out for and hence to wait for.… (Portions of Grosart's tedious pedagogy omitted.)] onlie a faire wynd to carry them off, and the comeing of the Hollanders ffleete, whoe were to ioyne with his Ma^tie's forces in this Action.

The third of October, the Lord Leiutenant Generall caused to be reduced into writeing divers Articles of instruction and direcçon for the better goverment of the ffleete, the principall contentes wherof were to this effect:

Monsieur W^m de Massawe [Onward it is Nassau = William of Nassau, illegitimate son of Prince Maurice of Nassau. See our Introduction on the Hollanders' Fleet.'] Admirall of the Hollanders arrived in the Towne of Plymouth with twentie Sayle of shipps, fifteen bound to accompanie our ffleete, and five bound for Dovorr intended to goe and lie about those partes for the better guarding of our Coastes and the more disturbance of the enemyes passage by Sea during the absence of our ffleete.

Immediatlie hereupon my Lord Leiutenant Generall came abord the Anne Royall to beginne the voyage with the first good winde & weather that God should send. And the Duke of Buckingham having seen the shipps in this forwardness, began his iourney the same afternoone from Plymouth towardes the Court, leaving S^r John/ Cooke to dispatch all occasions concerning this greate busines that might happen att Plymouth after his grace's goeing from thence.

The 5^th of October, early in the morning, the wind being come faire, all the shipps in the Sound of Plymouth wayed Anchor and sett sayle, making for the Coast of Spaine, and ran that course till some what after noone; about which tyme the winde altering to the contrarie, they must of necessitie beare backe for Plymouth or stand of to Seaward. My lord Leiutenant Generall (willing to take the best of these two courses) advised to that purpose with S^r Thomas Love Kn^t [Capt. Brett, the Duke of Buckingham's kinsman, is said to have told the Duke that the great fleet would do nothing, "as there was sent with it Bag without money, Cook without meat, and Love without charity." These are the names of three chief captains (Court and Times of Charles I. vol. i. 74). Sir Thomas Love died in Fenchurch parish 12th April, 1627, and was privately buried in the choir of the church the following night (p. 213).] Captaine of the Anne Royall, & with M^r William Cooke M^r of the same shipp.

The reasons alledged for standing of to Sea were these: that it would argue more courage & constancie/ to proceede in the voyage and prevent such ill construction and censure as might be made of retourning soe soone into the Harbour, and the lyeing in Harbour wold give opportunity to manie to goe a shore & much disturbe the course of the voyage.

The reason urged to the contrary were these, that the weather was fowle and misty, wherby manie of the shipps might be in danger to over shoote the Harbour of Plymouth or fall foule upon Edynston. [an occasional old spelling for 'Eddystone', renowned for its light-house.] That if they overshott this Porte they could hardlie with the winde as then it was putt into anie fitt harbor nearer then the Isle of Wight, wherby they should be more cast backe then if they putt into the Harbour of Plymouth, and yet ranne a greater hazard of meeting with that parte of the ffleete which was gone before to ffalmoth. And that wee might come to another Anchor this night in the Sound before Plymouth without putting into 9 Cattwater or Ham-oaz [Cattewater is the estuary of the Plym opening into Plymouth Sound on the East: Hamoaze, the estuary of the Tamar opening into the Sound on the west.] wherby Men might have litle or noe opportunitie to goe a shore. My Lord Leiutenant generall declared his owne inclination to be to the former course, yet well weying the reasons on both sides and holding those which made for the latter to be of more Sollidity & importance, he resolved to come to an Anchor that night in the Sound of Plymoth; which was accordingly performed.

The next morning the Admirall of Holland came abord our Admirall, bringing with him two or three Sea-commanders of the Dutch, and some Sea Captaines of English ships came alsoe abord us,/

The wynd was still contrary and manie signes were observed by the Sea-men boading a storme to be att hand.

Hereupon my Lo: Leiutenant Generall, &c. assisting himselfe with such Dutch and Englishe Captaines as were abord him, entred into consultation what was best to be done for the safetie of the ffleete and good successe of the voyage, either by putting further into the Harbour or rideing still in the open Sound.

The reasons insisted upon for not goeing further into the Harbour were in effect the same which were alledged the day before for the standing of to Sea.

The reasons insisted upon for putting now into full harbour were these, that by many probabilities it was coniectur'd that a storme was at hand; that the open Sound was/ noe safe rideing place in all weathers; that after a storme once begunn it was verie unlikelie that soe many shipps should putt into the harbour without falling fowle one of another. That some of the ffleete wanted water, which might bee supplied in Harbour while the wind was contrary. That if the wind came faire it could not be above half a daye's advantage to putt out of the Sound more then out of Catt-water. And that by his Lo^p's example in lodging & keeping aboard and 10 by strickt command to all men els to doe the like, the danger of disturbance or interuption to the speedie proceeding of the voyage by goeing of Men a shore might be prevented.

Upon this consultaçon his Lo^p's resolution was to putt further into the Harbour in the most convenient and advantageable order that might/ be, wherein he had three things to provide for; the first that all the shipps might ride in safety, the second that noe parte of the Harbor might bee over pestred, [overcrowded.] the third that every shipp might be apt [So onward, 'most apte to warpe' etc. = aptus, fitted, and hence 'ready.'] to come forth with the first good winde.

A parte of the Harbour called Ham-oaz lay not well as Cattwater, for great shipps to gett out with such windes as would best serve our turnes, and it was not safe to thrust the whole ffleete into Catt-water; wherefore it being observed that such wynd as would carrie the five Hollanders bound of Dovorr [weather-bound off Dover, meaning to go into Dover ut infra.] to their Rendesvous would alsoe bring them well out of Ham-oaz. And that the New Castle Shipps [of Newcastle on Tyne. (See onward, 'Colliers or New Castell shipps.')] of the ffleete being the lesser and shorter shipps were most apte to warpe and turne out of Harbour,/ with every reasonable [query 'seasonable?'] winde; and that some few shipps might well ride between the said Island and the Towne of Plymouth, his Lo^p willed that this his resolution should bee drawne upp into a shorte order or warrant that it might be putt in execution accordinglie.

The warrant was drawne to this effect. That whereas upon good deliberation had with the Admirall of Holland and some other 11 Sea-Captaines his Lo^pp thought fitt that the whole fleete should againe putt into Harbour in the most orderlie and advantageable maner that might be; his Lo^p did therefore authorise and command all Captaines and officers of the ffleete & Annie and all other whome it did concerne, That the five shipps of Holland which were bound for Dovorr, togeather/ with all the Colliers or New-Castell shipps in the ffleete shold forthwith putt into Ham-oaz, there to ride at Anchor, expecting the first goed wynd, And his Lo^p further ordered the five Hollanders to enter first and the Colliers or New Castell shipps after them. And that sixe of the best Marchantes shipps of the ffleete should putt in between the land and the Island before Plymouth. And that the King's shipps and all the rest of the ffleete, both Englishe & Dutch, shold putt into Cattwater, the smallest entring first, and then the greatest by degrees passing up as farr as they might without incumbring the place for those that should bee to enter after them. And that his Lo^pp did further will and command all Captaines and other officers of the/ ffleete and Armie that they should not goe a shore nor suffer any of the Mariners, Sea-men, Soldiers, or others belonging to the ffleete or Armie, to goe on shore without his Lo^p's speciall and expresse leave, to be signified under his hand, hee himselfe being resolved not to goe on shore without some new and urgent occasion were given.

While this warrant was makeing readie, his Lo^p without expecting [tarrying or waiting] till it could be finished, as holding the busines to require some hast, did fortwith dispatch away severall boates from his owne shipp to notifie the contentes thereof by word of mouth, and to enioyne the performance thereof accordinglie. Alsoe his Lo^p called now to mynde that S^r John Coke, kn^t, principall Secretarie of his Ma^tie, whoe specially/ intended [superintended] the good of this action, remayned yet at Plymouth and might peradventure bee soe farr perplexed with the suddain retrait of the ffleete as to make some 12 unpleasing adress therupon to the Court, without knowing the true causes of his Lo^p's proceeding: wherfore to prevent the worst, his Lo^p gave instruction for the drawing upp of a letter for him to him for S^r John Coke, contayning the reasons of his Lo^p's retourne; which were the same in effect which were observed here before. The letter being readie to be signed, before it was fullie dispatched away, there came to my Lord a letter from S^r John Coke occasioning somewhat to bee added by his Lo^pp to his letter by way of post-script, which by his direçon was speedely supplied, contayning in effect some further/ explanation or inforcement of the reasons of his retrait & concluding with a desire of S^r John Coke's assistance to take order in the Towne of Plymouth for the better keeping of Men from comeing a shore by suffering noe boates to come out unto them.

While his Lo^pp. was in debate about putting into Harbour, and touching the order and maner of the same, manie of the ships without anie warrant att all were gone in of themselves, and the rest, having notice of his Lo^p's resolution and direction, began to followe, but not in soe good order as could bee wished, nor in such sorte as by his Lo^pp was assigned.

The wind continued still contrarie till Saturdaie the 8^th of October in the forenoone; all which tyme we laie in Harbour, my Lo: Leitenant/ General lodging every night abord according to his former resolution.

While we lay thus in Harbour, Itt was observed that by reason of the speedie putting forth to Sea the former tyme, few or none of the shipps of the ffleete had anie notice or copies of the Articles of the third of October; the want whereof, especially touching the officers comeing twice a daie to receive the Admirall's commandes and the places of Rendes-vous where to meete againe if wee should be seperated, might occasion manie errors in the ffleete, to the greate preiudice of the action; wherefore a course was now taken that such Clarkes abord the Admirall as could write well were imployed to 13 make readie several copies thereof, with all convenient expedition; and because/ the whole was long and the Articles for the dailie comeing to speak with the Admirall and knowledg of the place of the Rendes-vous were the most important, therefore till the rest could be all dispatched diverse Copies of these 2 Articles were first prepared to be dispersed with all possible speed.

Furthermore, while we lay thus in Harbour it was discovered that the Lyon, wherein S^r ffrancis Steward, knight, went Vice Admirall of the ffleete, was soe leake [leaky] & insufficient, that shee was not fitt to go the voyage, ffor which cause shee was discharged and S^r ffrancis Steward alsoe.

Instead of S^r ffrancis Steward in the Lyon, my Lord Leiutenant Generall appointed the Earle of Denbigh [see quotation from Gardiner, as before, in our Introduction, on Denbigh.] to go Rere Admirall of the ffleete in the S^t Andrew, another of his Ma^tie's/ shipps, wherein S^r John Wattes, kn^t [He was son of John Wattes, "citizen and clothier" of London, who was knighted on 24th July, 1603, and was Lord Mayor in 1606. Stow in his "Survey" informs us that one John, "heir" of the John, was a "captain in this Expedition at Cales, where he was knighted for his good service, and being an expert soldier was made a great officer in this Expedition under the conduct of George, Duke of Buckingham, against the French at the Isle of Rhee, where he behaved himself with great courage." He continues: "Afterwards he served as a captain under Count Mansfield in the Expedition on the Rhine, on the behalf of the Prince Palatine, against the Emperor of Germany" (fol. 588). He married Mary, daughter of Thomas Bayning of Suffolk, brother to Paul and Andrew Bayning, aldermen of London. By her he had issue John, James, Paul, Richard, Edward, William, Thomas, Sarah, Magdalene, Margaret, and Alice. His son John was with him in the French Expedition. Later he stood strong for the King with Capell. Oddly enough none of the authorities give the date of either's death. Only under Hertingfordbury (vol. i. 537), Chauncey says that there is "in the church this epitaph: 'Near this place lyes buried in one grave those loyal and worthy gentlemen, Sir John Watts and Capt. Harry Hooker." See also Buntingford Charities in Chauncey (vol. i. 262, ed. 1826).] was Captaine, and did ordaine the Lord 14 Delaware [Henry West, son of the Lord Delaware, who died in 1618 as Governor of Virginia.] to goe Vice Admirall of the Admiralls Squadron in his Ma^tie's shipp the St George, and to carrie the fflagg of St. George in the foretopp; which honor and colours were formerlie boren by the Earle of Denbeigh.

Saturdaie the 8^th of October in the fore noone, the wynd came faire; whereupon severall boates were dispatched from the Admirall to the other shipps rideing in Harbour, commanding them all instantlie to putt forth to Sea; but by reason of the low Ebb and the disordered rideing of manie small shipps, whoe delayed to gett out, few or none of the great Shipps could gett forth untill it grew towardes the evening; at which tyme we gott cleare/ of the Harbour, quitting the forte of Plymouth between 5 & 6 of the Clocke, and held on our course with good wynd.

The next daie, being Sundaie, the Vice Admirall and Rere Admirall with the rest of the ffleete that were gone before to ffalmoth, came into us, and hayled us. This daie alsoe divers copies of the instructions dated the third of October were delivered to the cheife shipps of the ffleete & we proceeded with good wynde till Monday night the 10^th of October; at which tyme somewhat before midnight the wind changed to the contrary, soe that we could not runn our intended course but stood to our best advantage, the weather being verie calme.

Tuesday morning the 11^th of October, the weather continuing still calme, my Lord Leiutenant Generall, willing/ to make the best use thereof hee cold, hung out a flagg to assemble the Councell of Warr; whoe being come abord about tenn a Clocke in the forenoone they thus proceeded:

There was noe difference between the Articles for the Admiralls Squadron & those for the Vice-Admiralls and Rere-Admiralls, save in the names of the shipps of every division, and that their Squadrons had not any perticular reserve nor above 5 or 6 shipps apeece in the third division for want of shipps to make up the nomber of 9; the munition/ and horse shipps which belonged to their Squadrons being unapt to fight and therefore disposed into a speciall division of 10 shipps by themselves to attend the generall reserve.

That these 9 ships should discharge & fall of 3 & 3 as they are fyled in this list:—	Anne Royall, Admirall; Prudence, Capt. Yaughan; Royall Defence, Capt. Ellis.
Barbara Constance, Capt. Hatch; Talbot, Capt. Burden; Abraham, Capt. Downes.
Golden Cocke, Cap. Beamont; Amity, Capt. Malyn; Anthonie, Capt. Blague.
That these 9 shipps shold second the Admirall of this Squadron 3 & 3 as they are fyled in this List:—	S^t George, Vice-Admirall; lesser Saphire, Capt. Bond.
Sea Venture, Capt. Knevet; Assurance, Cap. Osborne; Camelion, Cap. Seamor; Retourne, Cap. Bonithon.
Jonathan, Cap. Butler; William, Cap. White; Hopewell. Cap. [blank]./
That these 9 [sic] shipps should second the Vice Admirall of this Squadron 3 & 3 as they are filed in this List.	Convertive, Rere Admirall; Globe, Capt. Stokes; Assurance of Dovorr, Capt. Bargey.
Great Saphire, Cap. Raymond; Anne, Capt. Wollaston; Jacob, Capt. Goss.
George, Capt. Stevens; Hermyt, Cap. Turner; Mary Magdalen, Cap. Coog.
Hellen, Cap. Mason; Amity of Hull, Cap. ffrisby; Anne Spedewell, Cap. Polkenhorne.

At this Councell alsoe, my Lord Leiutenant Generall expressing a greate Zeale to his Ma^tie's service and takeing notice that the winde was contrarie and manie shipps of the ffleet but scantly 23 victualled at our setting forth, which defect could not be now supplied, proposed it to the Councell as a thing considerable how to take some present and seasonable course to make our Victualls last the longer. And that to this purpose both the Land and Sea men might sitt from henceforth 5 & 5 in a Mess, takeing onely the allowance formerly allotted/ to 4 men, which motion was without dispute or contradiction assented unto, and accordinglie ordered.

ffor the whole Councell was soe forward to advance the accomplishment of his Ma^tie's designes that all reasons seeming to tend to the contrarie (as our being yet within our owne Channell, the litle tyme which the wynde had been contrarie, the dishartening or at least grudging that it might peradventure raise amongst the Soldiers and Mariners to have that course taken with them when a voyage was scarse begunn, which for the most parte hath beene applied onely as a remedie in tymes of scarcetie when men are homewardes bound after a voyage much prolonged by extraordinary cross windes, and/ the imputation of neglecte or improvidence which it might laie upon them whoe had the care of victualling the navy) were all omitted and buried in a dutifull silence.

At the riseing of the Councell a motion was made to have some of the best Saylers of our ffleete chosen out and assigned to lye of[f] from the mayne bodie of the ffleete, some to sea and some to shoreward, the better to discover chase and take some shipps or boates of the enemye's; which might give us intelligence touching the plate ffleete, whether it were come home or noe, or when it would bee expected, and in what place; and touching such other matters wherof wee might make our best advantage. But nothing herein was now resolved, Itt being conceived, as it seemed, that wee might soone enough and more/ opportunelie consider of this proposition and settle an order therein when wee came nearer to the enemie's coastes; soe the Councell was dissolved.

My Lord Leiutenant Generall tooke order for the speedie notifieing of the resoluçon touching the sitting 5 & 5 in a mess to all 24 the shipps in the ffleete, but by reason of the fowle weather which began the next daie and continued divers daies after, it could not bee signified in wryteing to every shipp as soone as was intended, and hadd otherwise been accomplished.

Alsoe, the Articles of instruction agreed upon by the Councell of Warr touching the Sea fight, &c. with an apte title prefixed, were with all possible speed dispersed by the care of My Lord Leiutenant Generall to the severall shipps of his owne Squadron, and to the Vice Admirall and Rere Admirall of the ffleete, to bee duely put in execuçon, and with directions/ alsoe for them to deliver out copies thereof to the severall Shipps of their Squadrons.

Upon Wednesdaie the 12^th of October, about one a clocke in the morning, as wee were going to praier and Sermon, the winde came good againe, wherof wee presentlie tooke advantage; but that night it blew verie high and grew into an extraordinarie storme, which lasted all that night and all the next daie and night, much dispersing and endangering the whole ffleete in generall, and much distressing our shipp in perticular. Our auntientest Seamen tould us they hadd never been in a greater Storme.

The perticular disasters threatening distruction to our shipp were: The maine Mast like to goe over borde through the slackness and insufficiency of the shrowdes, and the getting loose of 2 of the greatest peeces of ordinance/ of 5000 weight a peice. But such diligence was used that both these mischeifes in the Gunn roome were quicklie remedied. Our perticular losses were of a man blowen into the Sea from the Maine yard by the violence of the wynd, and our long boate splitt and broken in peeces as shee was towed att our sterne.

ffridaie the 14^th of October the storme was well abated, and about 20 of our shipps discovered to be in veiw.

The wynd blew faire for our course during all the storme, which was a great benefitt unto us, and soe it continued manie daies, during all which tyme wee held on our course for Cape S^t Vincent, 25 bearing but an easie Sayle and gathering upp our scattered shipps every day more and more, and keeping such a distance from the Spanishe Coastes that wee might not be descried as wee passed. /

The ships of our owne and other Squadrons used great neglect in not comeing upp to speake with us morning and evening as they should, whereby wee were deprived of all meanes to be advertised, touching the Success of our ffleete in the late storme, or to convay to every severall shipp such instructions as wee desired.

Monday the 17^th of October, about tenn a clocke in the morning we discried from our maine topp the high land of Spaine, and estimated it to bee about xx leagues off.

My Lord Leiutenant thought now that it was tyme to prepare things in a readines in expectation of the enemy. And therefore his Lo^pp caused this daie a list to bee made of all the gentlemen voluntiers & their Servantes, as alsoe of all his Lo^p's owne servantes that were in the shipp. The whole number of those whoe were thus/ listed was about ffortie, of whome my Lord appointed Mr. ffrancis Carewe [untraced among the multitude of this name.] a gentleman of the privie Chamber to his Ma^tie to bee Captaine, whoe readily and cheerfullie undertooke the charge. The Companie was armed with firelock peeces & Swordes, and intended to doe service neare about my Lorde's owne person a shipborde, or a shore, or to performe other speciall service as his Lo^pp should command.

This daie alsoe our Shipp was romaged and putt in order according to the Articles of the 11^th of October, that shee might be readie to performe a fight with the best advantage against the enemye, whensoever the first occasion should present it selfe.

The 18^th of October was a Calme, wherof my Lord Leiutenant Generall takeing advantage, hung out the flagges and assembled a Councell, wherein it was thus proceeded./ 26

S^r William S^t Leger Seriant Maior Generall abstayned from comeing to this Councell, excuseing it by a letter to S^r Thomas Love, that this morning the plague was discovered to bee in his shipp 2 sicke and one other with the Sore running upon him: professing his greate Sorrowe for this and other disasters mentioned in his letter, and praying direcçon both touching his owne person and his Ma^tie's shipp the Convertive wherin he was.

My Lo. Leiutenant being acquainted with this letter retourned an answere full of comfort to S^r W^m, hopeing it would not prove to bee the plague (as afterwardes in deed it did not) and wishing him to expect [wait and watch] a while with patience, keeping in the meane tyme as much seperate as might bee from the parties suspected to be infected./

This daie alsoe there came to his Lo^pp a voluntary [volunteered, spontaneous] certificate from some of the officers and companie of the Dread-nought rehersing some arguments to prove her a defective Shipp but not concluding her in their Judgement to bee unserviceable: wherefore his Lo^pp thought not good to enter into anie consideration of dischargeing or speciall releiveing her; which might occasion allmost all the shipps in the ffleete by this example to sue for the like favor 30 and soe induce [lead in] a greate trouble and disturbance to the whole ffleete.

Wednesdaie the 19^th of October betymes in the morning wee discryed plainly the high land of Mountdego [Cape Mondego], and gave chase for 3 or 4 howres to 10. or 11. shippes to leeward of us, supposing them to bee of the West-Indian/ Spanish ffleete; but at last wee found them to be some of our owne ffleete, much condemning their iudgementes and carelesnes; which by holding a course to gett from us and omitting to make the signes prescribed by the orders of the third of October, had given us occasion to spend soe much tyme in vayne now that we were come into the first place of Rendesvous. But for want of meanes to distinguish one shipp from another att a farr distance and their mingling themselves soone after amongst the rest of our ffleet the perticular offenders in this kind were not discovered.

This daie about noone, our Vice-Admirall and Rere-Admirall, with about 40 shipps more of the ffleete whoe hadd beene absent from us ever since the late storme came from the/ shore-ward and joyned themselves againe unto us hayling us with greate signes of ioy and telling us that they had been in this first place of Rendesvous these 2 daies and more, haveing as it seemeth boren a much better sayle than we, both in the storme and afterwardes.

This evening there was brought aborde us one ffrancis Gonsales, M^r of a small Carvile of Trecera taken by our Rere Admirall with 2 other Portugalls of the Companie of the same Carvile. They were examined aparte, and did in effect ioyne all in this relation. That they came from the Island of Graciosa bound for Trecera loaden with Corne and hennes and some other provisions to sell, and that being driven by the violence of the late Storme and fowle weather, they were cast upon this shore against their wills, not knowing/ well where they now were; where descring our ffleete they came into us 31 of their owne accord to seeke for mercie and releife to save their lives, being in extraordinarie necessitie and almost starved for want of fire and having drunke their owne urine in distress for want of other drinke. They said they could give noe notice or intelligence touching the West-Indian or plate fleete, save onlie that five Carakes [carracs, carricks, etc. from carrace, "a name given by the Spaniards and Portuguese to the vessels they sent to Brazil and the East Indies; large, round-built, and fitted for fight as well as burden. Their capacity lay in their depth [Query—and breadth above and below?] which was extraordinary. English vessels of size and value were sometimes so-called." (Admiral Smyth's Sailors' Word-Book.)] had been latelie att Trecera, where one of them was cast awaie but her loading saved; and that the other 4 sett sayle togeather from thence the 4^th of this moneth (meaning it should seeme after their stile) but what was since become of them they knew not.

They alsoe said that they had heard that [the] King of Spaines Brasill ffleete [the yearly Brazil fleet laden with treasure, &c.] was expected to ioyne for the guarding/ home of the West Indian or plate ffleete, and that another greate ffleete was readie in Spaine for the same purpose.

Lastlie, they said that they had advertisement two monethes since in Trecera by a Carvile, of advice sent from Portugall, that there was a greate Englishe ffleete of above 100 sayle of shipps readie to set forth, being intended as they coniectured for Brasill or the Straightes, but the certaintie therof they said they knew not.

This reporte of theis Portugalls was the rather beleived for that their Carvile was but of 10 or 12 tonnes, an open boat with 25 persons in her, whereof some were women and children; soe as wee tooke her cleerlie to be noe Carvile sent purposely for an advizer or Intelligencer, neither were anie letters found in her,/ nor would they confess that ever they hadd anie.

Besides it was not gaynesaied by some of our men whoe were att 32 the takeing of them that they thought they might have gone from us by Sayleing if they had resolutely endeavoured it.

The Lord Leiutenant Generall having yesterday sent wordes by severall Catches to the Admirall and Vice-Admirall, that hee would sitt in Councell this 20^th of October earlie in the morning, the flagges were now hung out to that purpose: yet some of the shipps hadd soe farr dispersed themselves this night that it was verie late in the Afternoone this daie, ere a full Councell was assembled; such as had dispersed themselves excuseing by alleaging that they could not see our light whereby to/ direct their course.

Before the comeing togeather of the Councell the Lord Leiutenant Generall acquainted mee that the wynd being now faire to putt in for S^t Lucas and the more Southerlie partes of Andalouzia his Lo^pp intended to advise seriouslie with the Councell what was fittest to bee done. And for a better preparation to enter into the busines, hee delivered mee a paper, willing me to acquaint my selfe with the contentes thereof that I might read it or deliver the sence of it the more effectuallie to the Councell att their meeting, as the subiect and foundation whereon they were chieflie to treat. This paper declared in effect that the proiectes for the intended action were 3.

It imported further that the places to performe these designes in were likewise three. Lisbourn [Lisbon], Cadiz, and S^t Lucas, whereof S^t Lucas would serve for the undertaking of Cadiz and the wining of the Harbour there for the undertakeing of Sevyl & intercepting of the plate ffleete, which in all Judgementes was thought the best. And that for the undertakeing of all these designes, it was thought 33 fittest to possess our selves of S^t Lucas: with this, that in case we were impeached [blamed] else where, Itt was resolved wee should runn soe farr into the River, till wee should finde a landing place fittest/ for our disbarkeing. And that all this hadd been discourst and thus farre agreed upon by a full Councell of Warr his Ma^tie being present, But that yet nevertheless after all, the finall resolution of the whole was referred to a further Consultation to be hadd upon the place. This pap[er] att first I tooke to be the copie of an Act of the Councell of Warre, but afterwards I rather conceived it to be onely a note taken by my Lord for his owne memorie of what hadd passed at Plymouth; noe absolut act of Councell touching this matter being ever entred or concluded for anie thing which I could ever learne.

After a long expectation, a full Councell was att the last assembled and proceeded thus in their affaires./

Immediatlie afterwardes our whole ffleete, whereof about 96 sayle besides the Hollanders were now in veiwe one of another, began to beare for the bay of Cadiz.

The 21^th of October I desired his Lo^pp to give mee the names of the Councell of Warr and how they were to be ranked in order; whoe thereupon dictated them unto me to bee theis.

In our course towardes Cadiz wee descried 3 shipps to whome some of the most windwardly of our shipps gave chase. They sought a while to save themselves by good sayling, but, being deepe loaden and finding that our shipps did winne upon them and were come upp soe neare to them that/ nowe one of our shipps begann to shoote at them, they quicklie strucke sayle and submitted themselves.

The shipps were called the Post horse, the Red-hart, and the ffortune, belonging to Copen haven [Copenhagen], Callice [Calais] & Hamborough, loaden with Cochinell, wynes, wooll, figges, raisins, orenges, lemmons and other commodities taken in att S^t Lucas and consigned all to Callice in ffrance.

However we suspected the goodes to be Dunkerkes or other enemyes shipped in those bottomes and thus consigned to Callice onely for a colour to obscure and conceale the true owners.

These shipps were commanded to attend our ffleete till the matter concerning them might bee better examined; and for our better securitie of them wee tooke out their Masters and some of their men, putting into them in their steades others of our owne sufficient for skill and nomber to command them./

Saturday the 22^th of October about three o'clocke in the afternoone wee came into the Bay of Cadiz, my Lord of Essex with his Squadron entring first. There were rideing now att anchor before the Towne of Cadiz 15. or 16. good shipps of the enemyes, whereof the Admirall of Naples, said to be 1200 tonnes and carrieing 60. good brasse peices, was the cheife. There were alsoe here 8. or 9. Galleys of the Enemye. Our ffleete came on by Squadron and Squadron in three devisions, with convenient distance betweene every Squadron and in verie good order, save onlie that the shipps of the Vice-Admirall's Squadron fell too much asterne, sufficing him to enter into the Bay and pass upp before the Towne alone, a greate way before all the rest of the ffleete.

Upon the full discovery of our ffleete/ the enemye's shipps and galleys riding before Puntall [a fort at Cadiz which was taken by Essex on the 23rd Oct. 1625, i. e., the very day following the present entry. See Gardiner, as before, s.v.] hoysed their sayles, cutt their cables, and rann a head of our Vice-Admirall athwart the bay of Cadiz upp into a Creeke called Port Royall, where they thrust themselves as farr a shore as they might.

As our Vice Admirall came on to pass by the Towne they made a shott or two att him from the Shoare before ever hee or anie of our ffleete shott att them or att their shipps.

Alsoe the enemyes shipps & Galleys as they passed a head of our Vice Admirall's Squadron shott at us and wee att them.

The first that came upp to second my Lo: of Essex were S^r John Chidley in the Rainebowe and Captaine Gilbert in the Reformation, whoe amongst them shott one of the enemyes Galleys into the Wast [waist, i.e. mid-hull.] and as some say suncke her./

It was thought that if my Lord of Essex had bin more immediatlie seconded and have attempted it, hee might have prevented the enemye's shipps from gayning Port Ryall and taken them in the Bay of Cadiz. But his Lo^pp had noe speciall order other then onely to come to an anchor hereaboutes and expecte the resoluçon and direction of a further consultation; which hee did.

Yet others were of opinion [they] needed not to have forsaken their Anchors, being there under protection of the Towne of Cadiz in such sorte that we could not assault them without comeing within the danger not onelie of their shipps but alsoe of the Townes ordinance.

Itt was floweing water when wee came in, giveing the enemyes shipps the meanes thus to putt upp into Port-Riall; which if wee hadd come/ in att an Ebbe towardes lowe water they could not have done.

My Lord of Essex being now come to an Anchor above the 40 Towne of Cadiz, our Admirall with his squadron and the Duche cast Anchor before the Towne. And the Rere Admirall before S^t Mary Porte att the entrance into the Bay.

Our fflete being thus att Anchor, the opportunitie of pursueing the enemies shipping (fled upp into Port Riall) was for the present lost, and my Lord Leiutenant Generall calling to mynd that both by promise and for necessitie's sake he was here speedely to advise what was next to be donne, caused the fflagg to be forthwith hung out for assemblie of the Councell of Warr.

While the Councell was assembling, there came abord us one Jenkinson M^r of an Englishe shippe loaden with fishe, whoe lay here at Cadiz to sell/ his fishe and was ashore in the Towne when our ffleete was first discryed.

He told us that wee were come to the Towne unexpected. And that they were not well manned nor provided for us, but in great feare & distraction, blameing the Conde de Olivares [See Gardiner, as before, s.v.] as the cheife cause of provoking us to come thus to invade them.

Yet hee tould us that the last night there came newes to Cadiz that our King had been lately att Plymouth, And that there was a ffleete of above 80 Sayle to come from England, but when to sett forth or whether bound they could not certainlie tell; whereby wee were confirmed in our opinions that nothing of importance is publiquely done in England but the Spaniard hath intelligence of it with all speede possible.

He informed us likewise that the/ enemyes shipps fledd upp into Port Ryall were for the most parte Neopolitanes, drawen hether lately for the King of Spaines speciall service, and that the Spanish ffleete, which hadd lately been at Brasill, was now att Malaga or Gibraltar, as the constant reporte went att Cadiz.

This man being observed by the enemyes to take boate and make towards us, they shott att him soe as a greate shott bassed [bruised: or qy. abased, laid low, tumbled over by 'bruising] him 41 between his legges, making a round hole the widness of the Bullett in his breeches, yett touched not his skin, onely with the splinters of the Shott hee was a little hurt in the nose and in one of his handes.

According to this resolution for the assault of Puntall, the Admirall & Vice Admirall of Holland being present att the Councell, tooke notice what was to be done by them. And my Lord Leiutenant Generall appointed S^r Michael Gayer and M^r ffrancis Carew to goe forthwith by Barge and warne 20 of the New Castell shipps of our ffleete perticularly to ioyne with the Hollanders and begin an instant battery upon the ffort of Puntall. And the Earle of Essex, Vice Admirall in the Swift-Shewer, with S^r John Chidley/ in the Rainbowe, and Captaine Gilbert in the Reformation, were appointed for the King's three shipps that should countenance this assault.

S^r Michael Gayer and M^r Carewe attended the service, and gave notice to such New Castle shipps as should perticularly goe on upon this imploym^t.

The Du[t]ch with sixe or eight shipps beganne a Batterie forthwith upon this ffort and continued it till 9 or 10 a Clocke, but few of the Englishe came upp this night to second them. And the King's shipps by reason of the Ebbe could not this night come upp to the service.

About 11 a clocke att night the Du[t]ch gave over their battery, having by this tyme made about 500 shott att the fforte, which retourned not one for tenn to them againe, wherby we collected that they hadd few or noe peices mounted, or els that they wanted powder and shott; which did the more embolden and incourage us against them.

The 23^th of October, being Sonday, by 4 a clocke in the morning as wee were about to goe to praiers and receive the Sacrament of the Lorde's Supper, the Admirall of Holland with some of the Du[t]che came abord us, complaineing (and as it seemed not without cause) that they were not well seconded the last night in the assault begune upon Puntall, alleging that they might have taken it that night if our shipps had assisted as it was ordered in Councell He further alledged that two of their shipps were aground and verie 44 dangerouslie shott in such sorte that if there were not a speedy course taken to releive them against it should be daylight, they would bee utterlie lost.

My Lord Leiutenñt made answere that hee would take present order herein, and soe dismissed them./

Before 5 a clocke we went to praiers and beganne the Communion, which as soone as my Lord with S^r Thomas Love and some others had received, they left the shipp before the Comunion ended and without my knowledge went to the Earle of Essex shipp, riding neare to Puntall; where they spent the whole day.

As soone as it was cleere day light wee might observe that some passed between Puntall and the Towne of Cadiz, reinforceing it with men and munition as wee conceived. The towne alsoe begann to shoote at our Admirall where shee rode att Anchor; but they hadd not above one or two peices that would reach us and that butt at randum, soe as haveing shott one onely bullett into our shipp which did us no hurte, about noone, they gave over shooting at us anie more.

In the meane tyme my Lo. Leiutenñt/ Generall hadd drawen some of the King's shipps and other of the ffleete verie neare to Puntall and began and continued the batterie a fresh upon the ffort from morning till Middafter noone, both with greate ordinance and also with Muskett shott: for diverse of our shipps came close up within the distance of Calliver and pistell shott and plyed the defle [playd the devil. The MS. looks like 'deftle'.] soe busilie from our shipps, that by reason of the parapett of the ffort was but lowe, they that defended the fforte could not attend to travas [traverse—a phrase used for manoeuvring weapons in fight, i. e. to wheel or alter the direction of a cannon to left or right. There is a substantive 'travis.'] and manage their ordinance, but after a while gave over shooteing att us, the rather (as it seemed) for that some of their ordinance were become useles through the shott which they received 45 from us, soe as they hadd not above one serviceable peice of ordinance left in the ffort, which Don ffrancisco Bustamante (whoe att/ this tyme commanded the fforte) did himselfe in his owne person charge and discharge; few or none els of his Companie (as it seemed) having the skill or courage to doe it.

In this assault Captaine Porter in the Convertive and his Master M^r Hill and Captaine Raymond in the greate Saphire with his Master M^r Kenton were moved to doe the best service, wherof the two latter were slaine with a greate shott from the ffort.

This daie about noone wee perceived from our shipp that the Enemyes galleys passed from Cadiz to S^t Mary Port carryeing as wee thought the wealth of the place and might come backe in the night bringing men or munition or both, to our preiudice, and albeit some of our shipps which rode about those partes putt themselves under sayle and shott att the Galleys, yet it was to/ litle purpose for anie thing wee could observe, of all which I forthwith advertised his Lo^pp by letter praieing him to take it into present consideraçon and applie a fitt remedie.

Towardes 4 of the Clocke my Lord Leiutenant Generall gave order for the landing of some of our troopes with intent to scale the ffort of Puntall, and soe to take it or att least to take from them all hope of releife from the towne of Cadiz, and soe inforce them the sooner to surrender.

The first that attempted land was Captaine Edw. Bromigeham, Captaine of my Lo. Dukes Companie, whoe comeing on valientlie with his sword drawne under the fforte walles was slaine in his boat with a Muskett shott and divers of his men that came in the same boat with him were killed with stones rolled over the parapett./

What the reason was why he adventured to land thus under the fforte, I knowe not, but have heard he did it by direcçon, and that the reasons of such direction were, for that the ffort, not haveing made anie shott att us in a long tyme before nor many Muskateeres 46 shewed themselves of late upon the platforme, it was thought safe enough for him to goe a shore in this place and more for the honour of our Action, and for that it was doubted there might be ambushes placed in the partes adioyning; but the enemy whoe hadd long before much concealed and contayned themselves, takeing present advantage of his approach soe much within distance of the fforte and in effect iust under it, made us quicklie to see our Error; which was instantlie reformed by commanding the next companies to land further/ of[f], which they speedelie performed, finding no ambushes there, & began to drawe themselves into order.

Colonell Burgh by speciall order from the Lord Leiutenant Generall had the charge and command of the first troopes that landed of what Regiment soever they were, until the other commanders and the rest of the Armie (if there were cause) shold alsoe bee landed; which service hee performed with good resolution and Judgement.

They of the ffort noe sooner sawe our men landing and drawing into order but they hung out flagges or made signes for truce and p'ley [parley]; whereupon wee sent a Drumme to them and putt S^r Alexander Brett [See Gardiner, as before ii. 132, 182. Query brother to Arthur Brett and the Countess of Middlesex, wife of the Lord Treasurer (Middlesex)? See further in the Progresses of King James I. vol. iii. pp. 970, 984, and "Diary of Walter Yonge, Esq." (Camden Society), p. 76.] into the Castell to secure Don ffrancisco Bastamente, while hee came forth and treated first with S^r John Burgh and then with S^r William S^t Leger to agree the condiçons for a Surrender./

Att first hee demaunded not onlie to marche away with their colours flieing, their Swordes by their sides, their muskettes charged with match burning in Cocke, their bandeleirs full, and bullettes in their mouth, but verie bouldlie propounded to have awaie all their ordinance belonging to the ffort and a certificate from us that hee had behaved himselfe like a valiant and good Soldier to his 47 King in defending the fforte as long as might bee; but att last hee agreed and did surrender without the two latter conditions and forgott to contract when or to what place hee should be suffered to goe.

The ffort being thus taken in, there were found to bee in it about 120 men and 15 barrells of powder with some greate and small shott, but noe great store of either. There were alsoe found some dead bodies which the enemyes to dissemble their loss/ had cunninglie buried in the Rubbishe. Don ffrancisco Bustemante behaved himselfe like a noble and brave Captaine in defending of this peice, alleaging in excuse of himselfe for his Surrendring it soe soone that it was suddainly manned (not with Soldiers, but for the most parte with Townesmen), whoe, being over terrified with the incessant battery of our greate shott and utterly dismayed with the continuall volleys of our Muskettiers threatned to kill him if hee would not surrender, or els hee (as he affirmed) would have made us buy it dearer; yet hee pretended that wee hadd made att it in all above 2000 great shott.

He sought to lessen all things that might encourage us and advance the contrarie, sayeing to that end that he doubted not but he hadd slaine att least 100 of our men, yet affirmed confidently that hee hadd not lost above one/ or two; both which pretenses were utterly false, for wee, haveing slaine manie more of his men then hee would confesse of, lost yet scarce soe manie of our owne in all the service about takeing in this fforte as we slew of his.

He reputed Cadiz to be extraordinary well manned and victualled and thoroughlie stored with amunition. But in respect hee was an enemy and wee had observed his humor by his former speeches wee were sparing to give overmuch creditt to his wordes.

The ffort of Puntall is scituate upon a point of land shooting forth between two litle bayes on either side and is set soe farr into the water that at every flood it becometh an Island.

When wee came into it, wee found it to bee a large and goodly 48 foundation intended for 30 or 40 peices of ordinance/ in several plotformes one above another, butt it was now but in building, nothing neare finished nor furnished; for there were only 8 peices mounted on the lower plott-forme towardes the Sea, the rest of the plotformes not being yet well capable of ordinance nor their parapettes raysed, neither was the gate of the fforte as yet finished but another slight doore hung on to serve for the tyme, the defect whereof was supplied by a great multitude of stones rolled and heaped upp togeather in the Arche and entrance into the fforte, wholy filling upp the passage, in such sorte as did sufficientlie secure it. This fforte was built of a kinde of stone not apt to splinter, and soe well filled between the walles for mounting of the plottformes that our great shott hadd done but litle/ hurte save in batterie of some parte of the parapett which seemed to bee the onlie defect in all the fortification; ffor it was thought by us to bee too thinne and too lowe, not answerable in strength or proportion to the rest of the worke.

There was within the ffort a pitt well of badd water, which the enemyes before they quitted the place had dammed upp that it might bee of noe use to us till it were new digged & cleered againe.

The enemye haveing quitted the fforte, we placed therein a Garrison of 200 of our Men, under the Command of Capt. Gore and Captaine Hill and conveyed Don ffranccisco Bustamente with his Companie to the other side of the Bay and there sett them a shore that they might goe to the Towne of Cadiz. Soe wee were become Master of a sufficient parte of the harbour for the safe/ rideing of our shipps out of shott of the Towne and for the safe landing of all the rest of our menn with our horses ordinance and provisions upon the Island, if it should bee soe thought fitt.

About 9 a clocke att night my Lord Leiutenant Generall retourned to his owne shipp, haveing given order that all the rest of the Armie with the horses and ordinance should bee landed att Puntall with all speed possible. Wherein such dilligence was 49 used that most of our forces were landed by the next morning, save onely 600 or 800 men transported out of Englishe ships belonging to the Rere-Admirall's Squadron remayned yett aborde, for those shipps rideing farr belowe before S^t Mary Port could not land their men soe soone as our other shipps by reason of the greate distance betwixt that place/ and Puntall. And albeit the ffort of Puntall were now taken in and manned, whereby the full intent of yesterdaies resolution in Councell for provideing in the first place a safe harbour for our shipps was accomplished, yet wee proceeded to land still more and more of our Soldiers upon the Island of Cadiz and spent this whole Sonday night with greate dilligence in that service, By what order it was soe done I knowe not, onlie I suppose that my Lord Leiutenant Generall this Sonday while hee was in my Lord of Essex shipp, where alsoe divers of the Councell of Warre were present with him, came there to some latter resolution for the landing of our whole Armie and power in this place, and to thincke noe more of S^t Mary Port./

Upon Munday morning the 24^th of October my Lord Leiutenant Generall tooke his barge from his owne shipp which rode then between Cadiz & Puntall and rowed upp to the Earle of Denbighe, rideing then before S^t Mary Porte, and after some short conference hadd with the Earle, they both tooke barge and rowed towardes Puntall.

As they passed, a rumor mett them that the Reformation was on fire, the suspition whereof was encreased by the greate Smoke that arose from her; and the danger that might growe thereby was apprehended to bee the greater by reason most of the shipps of our ffleete haveing resorted to Puntall about the assault thereof or for the landing of our men lay there aboutes verie thicke togeather in greate disorder and confusion. My Lord dispatched away S^r Michael Gaire/ to inquire out the state of the Reformation touching the suspected fire, and held on his course for Puntall, where hee arrived about 9 a Clocke, the whole Armie well neare by this tyme landed 50 save onlie such Soldiers as hadd been transported in the Rere Admiralls Squadron, whoe rideing farre belowe from Puntall could not soe soone land as those that rode neerer up to Puntall.

There were divers of the Councell of Warr now assembled att Puntall and my Lord Leiutenant Generall declared his intention here to advise with them what was next and best to bee done.

S^r Michael Gaire brought word that all was well in the Reformation, but with all a suddaine rumour came that some forces of the enemyes were comeing on by land towardes the Towne/ of Cadiz, and were in some neerness to skirmishe with our men. Hereupon his Lo^pp thincking that his personall presence would be requisite in the Armie to directe and assist our troupes for the receiving and repelling of the enemye, And calling to mynde alsoe that the pointes touching which he intended now to have held his Councell were of much importance and required good expedition, hee called unto him the Earle of Denbighe and acquainted him in few wordes how the state of things stood; and withall desired and assigned his Lo^pp to supplie the place of Admirall of the whole ffleete, while my Lo. Leiutenant Generall should remayne a shore, and more especially that hee would forthwith goe abord the Swiftshewer rideing then neare to Puntall and there by the proper fflagges hung out to assemble a generall/ Councell and by their advice to settle these three pointes with their necessarie circumstances.

According to this direction of my Lord Leiutenant Generall, the 51 Earle of Denbigh went forthwith aboard the Swift-sewer and caused the flagg of Councell to be hung out.

Before the Councell could be assembled the Earle of Denbigh, calling to mynd/ that besides the three pointes given in charge by my Lord Leiutenant Generall to bee settled in Councell, his Lo^pp had absolutely commanded another thing to bee done touching the present landing of such soldiers transported by the Rere-Admirall's Squadron as were not yett sett a shore, gave order for a warrant to bee drawne to that purpose; which was speedely accomplished. By this warrant tis required all Captaines and Commanders of shipping in the ffleete to visite the shipps of the Rere-Admirall's Squadron and enquire what Soldiers unlanded were in anie of them. And that they should attend and applie themselves with all their Catches and Boates forthwith, to land such of them as were not yett landed and then repair again to their owne Squadrons.

This warrant was noe sooner drawne and signed but it was sent to S^r John/ Wattes to bee by him putt in due execution.

While these things were in doeing, Capt. Johnson, whoe commanded in a shipp of amunition, came and complained to the Earle of Denbigh that hee wanted a boat to supplie his occasions for the landing or conveying to or fro of himself and such provisions as were requisite to supplie the Sea and land service; for remedie whereof, his Lo^pp tooke present order, giveing him a warrant signed agreeable to his desire, wherby hee enabled him to press and take any boate of the fleete that hee should thinke fitt (except the boates belonging to the king's shipps).

Between 10 & 11 of the Clocke a competent nomber of the Councell of Warr and other Sea Captaines being assembled the 3 speciall pointes committed to the Earle of Denbigh's charge were taken into consideration and well debated and in conclusion thus farr resolved./ 52

Itt was now about one of the Clocke and soe the Councell dissolved. According to the commandement of the Earle of Denbighe I went to Puntall, being convayed thither by S^r John Chidley in his Barge, but, missing my Lord Leiutenant Generall there, I was inforced to seeke him out elswhere, and soe with much adoe I gott a dull and ill paced horse, by the helpe wherof I rode as farr as to Hercules pillar [This would ordinarily mean Gibraltar, but it must here be some place in the Isle of Leon.], where I found the Lord Leiutenant Generall with 7 or 8 Regimentes of the Armie readie, as they then expected, to encounter instantlie with the enemy, supposed to bee at hand in good nomber, though afterwardes it prooved otherwise. I tould 57 my Lord the occasion of my comeing, offering to read unto him my notes touching the resoluçons taken abord the Swift-shewer but hee alleaged he had then/ noe tyme to heare them read, desiring mee to informe him shortlie of the effect therof: which I did, and his Lo^pp declared instantlie that hee did well approve and fullie ratefie the same in all things, desireing that the Earle of Denbigh would noe longer forbear to have it putt in execution.

Moreover his Lo^pp gave in charge to comend to the Earle of Denbighe consideration how a companie of 100 foote or more might bee raised out of the Sea men by selecting and armeing a man or two out of every shipp that could best spare them; of which Companie hee would have Captaine Osborne to be made Captaine, and to attend his further directions about Puntall.

Alsoe hee willed mee to putt the Earle of Denbigh in mynd that/ for want of attendance of boates att Puntall messages could not bee readilie convayed between the Army and the shipps, nor the victuall of the Soldiers brought from Puntall to Hercules Pillars and such places further upp in the Island of Cadiz as the service of the soldiers in these partes seemed now to require.

I made backe for Puntall with what speed I could, but by reason of the ill way and badness of my horse, it was allmost night ere I gott thither and it was soe long ere I could gett a boate that it was hard night ere I could gett a board the Admirall.

The Earle of Denbigh att this tyme was gone aboard his owne shipp rideing farr downe before S^t Mary Port 3. or 4. myles distant from the Admirall, soe as by reason thereof/ and for that the boates of the Shipp were now abroad on other service, I could not goe nor send that night to the Earle of Denbigh. But his Lo^p had promised to come aboard us the next morning betymes, there againe to sitt in Councell if need were, and to dispatch such busines incident to the Admirall's place as might fall out to bee necessary. And then I thought I might in good tyme acquaint him with my Lo. Leiutenant Generall's answere and directions.

By my late being a shore in the Island of Cadiz I understood that my Lord Leiutenant Generall had by word of mouth given order for the bringing of some victualls for the Soldiers to Puntall, wherof I knew nothing, while the Earle of Denbigh sate in Counsell in the Swift-shewer; and in my returne from Hercules pillars/ I observed manie boates roweing to and fro between that and Puntall with provisions for the Armie, not well knowing where nor to whome to deliver them; the reason of which disorder as I understood afterwardes was, because those of Puntall where my Lord Leiutenant Generall had appointed the provisions to be delivered and where most of the boates offered first to deliver the same, refused to receive them, saying they had noe order to that purpose. This caused much loss of tyme and labour and was a further reason why some of the shipps assigned to goe for the Port Ryall could not well attend the same this daie for want of their boates; which were occupied for the most part in the service of convayeing victualls for the Soldiers to Puntall and from/ thence to other places, finding there noe discharge.

While the Earle of Denbigh bestirred himselfe thus a shipboard, my Lord Leiutenant Generall being a shore, the same 24^th of October, began to marche with the whole Armie towardes the Bridge of Cadiz, intending as it seemed to possess that or the Straight of the Island and to make it good there, to hinder the enemyes bring[ing] anie supplies into the Towne of Cadiz by land.

But it was now discovered that those of the Towne had drawne forth an Ambushe of muskettiers into a vineyard or Orenge garden behind Puntall not farr from the way where our men and carriages were to pass with our feild ordinance and provisions from Puntall towardes the Armie; whereby they/ cutt of some few of our improvident [careless] and stragling men.

To prevent this inconvenience therfore and such others as might 59 happen to us while the mayne bodie of the Armie was removed further off, my Lord Leiutenant towardes the Evening appointed two Regimentes to marche backe towardes Cadiz under the Conduct of Colonell Burgh & Colonell Bruce, to discrie and disperse the enemyes ambushes for preservaçon of our loose men and to keepe those of the Towne from sallieing out upon us, lest els the enemyes forces comeing on from the Bridge, we might att once bee sett upon both behinde and before to our great danger.

S^r John Burgh and S^r Henry Bruce, marching back with soe many Soldiers of their Regimentes as were now/ landed, took upp their lodging that night before Cadiz, but not neare the Towne; yet soe as they secured us against the Ambushes & Salleys of the Towne.

My Lord Leiutenant with the rest of the Armie marched on two or three miles beyond Hercules pillars, where they found the houses of diverse gentlemen and Cavalliers utterlie forsaken by the Inhabitantes and all their goodes carried awaie, save onely what was left to doe us mischeife; for there was found in these houses exceeding great plenty of new wyne in Iron bound Caske[s], foure or 500 pipes or more.

It was now growen soe late that my Lo. Leiutenant, not being well able to marche anie further, tooke upp his lodging here with all his/ Troupes for this night. Here the Soldiers of his Lo^p's speciall favor having obtayned a competent proporçon of a Butte of wyne for every Regiment, therewith to refreshe themselves, were soe disordered in the expence [expenditure, or using] thereof, that some of the worser sorte, being first distempered therewith, sett on the rest and grew to demand more wyne, in such disorder and with such violence that they contemned all command and sett light not onlie by their ordinary officers but even by the more eminent Commanders, not respecting my Lo. Leiutenant himselfe, nor abstayned from slighting his authority, useing base and contemptuous wordes both against his person and place. Noe wordes of exhortation, noe blowes of correction would restrayne 60 them, but, breaking with violence into/ the roomes where the wines were, cryeing out that they were King Charles his men and fought for him, careing for noe man els. They claymed all the wyne as their owne, due to them for their service, & proceeded to distemper themselves therewith still more, till in effect the whole Army except only the Commanders, was all drunken and in one Common confusion: some of them shooting one att another amongst themselves. Nor could this mischiefe be wholie restrayned, though by the speciall Command of his Lo^pp all the rest of the wyne was staved with as much expediçon as might bee; ffor then with their hattes and head peices they dipped it upp in the Cellars and vaultes where it swame about, swearing and protesting manie of/ them that they had not tasted a drop of beare or wyne that day, nor the day before, though they were absolutely drunken when they said soe.

Howbeit true it is, that some of them by reason of the uncertaine course which was yet houlden touching their victualling and the not deliverie and misdeliverie of their provisions hadd nott been att all releived with meate and drincke since their landing, or att least wise not in such orderly and good sorte as they might or should have been; ffor being suddenly landed, either for hast or want of good order formerly taken, manie of them brought not in their knap sackes such victualling as hadd been fitt, or else they hadd wastfulle consumed at one meale that which should have served them for divers daies; but the case of/ the most was that they brought with them only their knap sackes without any victualls at all.

The next morning, being Tuesdaie, my Lo. Leiutenant finding the unworthines of the Soldiers and their unfittness for service by reason of their base condition & unskilfulnes in the use of their Armes, as alsoe through the long fasting and late distemper of the most of them, resolved to desist from marcheing anie further towardes the Bridge. And therefore his Lo^pp with the maine bodie of the Armie retourned towardes the Towne of Cadiz to the other two Regimentes. Some of the Soldiers through the weakness of their late 61 drunkness or other faintness not being able, and others through their base unworthiness not careing to carrie their Armes with them./

The same Tuesday morning between 4 & 5 of the Clocke, our ffleete was putt into noe little fear of ffireing; apprehended by reason of the Hull of a shipp of the enemyes of about 200 tonnes, which came floating with the tyde from S^t Mary Porte or Cadiz towardes our ffleete, supposed to bee a shipp with fier workes sent forth by our enemies, to floate or drive in amongst us and there to take fire by a trayne. But at last manning out some boates with Muskettiers, we fastned grappers in her and soe towed her a head of, over to the Porte Riall side, and then entring and searching her, found her to bee an emptie vessell readie prepared to bee sunken, and broken loose by negligence as most men conceived. Howbeit, some they were who thought shee/ was lett goe onlie to trie the true inclination of the ffloate & drift of the tyde against another tyme. And that if shee had beene now manned by the enemies, who by boates brought for the purpose might probably have escaped in the night when the trayne hadd been readie almost to take fire and shee gotten soe neare to our ffleete, that wee could not thus have fastned a towe [rope or cable] unto her, nor prevented her driveing in amongst us, especially if 3 or 4 shipps and boates fastned togeather att good distances with Iron chaines hadd soe come towardes us.

Having thus towed her aside, wee sunk her forthwith in the Bay, for shee was soe leake [leaky] and forward in sinking when wee entred her,/ that we could [not] preserve her anie longer to make other use of her.

This morning also there swam to us from Port Riall a Du[t]ch boy that was formerly detayned prisoner in some of the shipps fled upp thether.

This boy declared unto us in what manner those shipps had disposed of themselves and what meanes they hadd used to prevent us from comeing up to them.

About 8 a clocke the Earle of Denbigh came abord the Ann Royall and being by mee advertised how my Lord Leiutenant Generall had confirmed the resolutions of yesterdaie's Councell, he thereupon signed two warrantes, dated as of yesterday; The one directed to the Captaines and Commanders of the shipps for/ the victualling of the Soldiers for 7 daies, and therein to observe the directions of the resolution touching that point taken aborde the Swift-shewer. The other directed to the Commander of Puntall or to his deputie, requiring the performance of soe much of the same resolution as concerned them.

These warrantes were delivered forthwith to Mr. Westbrooke one of our Masters Mates, whoe spent the whole daie in rowing to Puntall and from shipp to shipp to deliver and notifie them to the parties whom they concerned.

As soone as his Lo^p had dispatched away these warrantes hee caused the fflagges of Counsell to be hung out, and it was not long ere diverse of the Counsell were assembled, proceeding as followeth./

Advertisement was alsoe now given to the Du[t]ch Squadron of the same resolution and intention that they might ioyne with us in the service.

Att this tyme manie marriners and Sea-men belonging to the Vice-Admirall's Squadron were now on shore about Puntall, without whom their shipps not being well manned could not convenientlie sett about the service required, wherfore the Earle of Denbigh, by assent of the Councell of Warr now assembled, sent speedily a warrant directed to the Commander of Puntall or to his deputie, therby willing and commanding him forthwith to proclayme by beating of a Drum, That all Marriners and Sea-men belonging to anie shippes of that Squadron, which then were ashore att Puntall or in the partes adioyning,/ should forthwith repaire abord their severall shipps, upon paine of death.

Alsoe att the same tyme, out of his further care to advance the service, hee granted by like assent of the Councell of Warr another Warrant to S^r Samwell Argall, thereby authorishing [sic] him to take and dispose as hee should thincke fitt anie one or two flie boates ["A large flat-bottomed Dutch vessel, whose burden is generally from 300 to 600 tons. Distinguished by a remarkably high stern resembling a Gothic turret and by very broad buttocks below. Also a swift canal passage-boat." (Admiral Smyth's Sailors' Word-Book).] 64 then emptie, wherein horses were transported, that hee might make use of them for the service now enioyned as occasion should bee offered.

By that tyme these thinges were finnished, manie of the Councell had withdrawen thamselves to attend their perticular charges, soe as the Earle of Denbigh finding now noe iust cause to attend here anie longer, departed for this tyme; promising to come againe to morow morning,/ and willing mee then to putt him in mynd about the matter of raising a companie for Captaine Osborne, and for the boates to give better attendance about Puntall.

In the afternoone, about 2 a clocke, my Lord Leiutenant, &c., came abord the Admirall, wherby hee declared that hee hadd given order if any Soldiers remained yet aborde, they should not now bee landed att all, unless further order came from him to that purpose; wherby I collected some inclination in his Lo^pp not to keepe the Army long a shore in the Island of Cadiz; and after a while his Lo^p went againe a shore to attend the service by land, leaving still the Sea-command to the Earle of Denbigh.

As soone as the wynd and tyde/ would permit S^r Samwell Argall, with the Squadron and shipps assigned to that service, weyed Anchor, and sett sayle for Port Riall, takeing with them for their better information the Du[t]ch boy that hadd soe swem unto us this morning and a Cach; which was imployed to goe before and sound the Channell for the better direction of their entrance. Att their comeing upp before the Creeke, where the enemyes shipps were runn in, they found 4 shipps to be sunken in their waie, with a passage left only for one shipp to enter at once as the Du[t]ch boy had before informed us; wherefore, considering now that our shipps could enter but one and one and only bring their chase peices to play upon the enemyes whoe hadd soe/ disposed of their shipps that many of them att once might plaie upon us with their whole brode-sides. And for that it was suspected they had alsoe planted ordinance a shore for our further annoyance if once wee came on within distance, 65 it was feared to bee a service verie dangerous and unlikelie to succeede well if wee should further attempt the takeing of the said shipps & Galleys of the enemyes by force in the place where now they were.

And touching the confounding of them by fireing or blocking up, this alsoe was become verie difficult: and the Ma^rs of the horse boates appointed to this service (whether out of a desire to save the Vessells or for that they were not yett fullie discharged of their horses,/ hay, and other provisions I knowe not) shewed a backwardnes in attending the commandes of S^r Samuell A[r]gall, concerning the same.

This day alsoe Captaine Oxenbridge Captaine of the Dragon began a battery upon a Sconce [fortified place (usually small)] of the enemies at S^t Catalena neare S^t Mary Port, requireing Captaine Plumley of the William and Thomas to fall a sterne and assist him, saying hee had order soe to doe, whereas indeed hee had not. They received some damage from the Sconce but did litle or none to it.

My Lo. Leiutenant being retourned to the Armie, consulted there this evening with divers of the Colonells and Councell of Warr, whether without loes of honour they might shipp their Souldiers againe, quitting the Towne of Cadiz: and what was fittest to bee/ done for preservation of the ffleete and Armie and accomplisheing the service enjoyned us by his Ma^tie.

Hereupon in the first place Itt was held noe matter of dishono^r for us to quite the Towne upon good iudgement, haveing not yet engaged our selves by any battery against it, nor breaking ground to entrenche ourselves before it.

In the next place it was thought best to shipp our Armie againe with all convenient expedition; of which opinion I conceive these to be the reasons.

I was not present my selfe att this consultation but have followed in this relation thereof the best observations that I could make out of other relations.

My Lord Leiutenant lodged this night a shore in the Armie, walking the round twice or thrice in the night to see all things in good order.

S^r Thomas Love, whoe hadd beene a shore att this present att this deliberation, came againe abord the Admirall the same Tuesdaie night and there directed how in the Marche of the Armie towardes the Bridge of Cadiz [The Puente de Zuazo, joining the island with the main land.] ther were found a litle/ beyond Hercules pillars 10 or 12 great boates or shallopps for Tonny fishing, with great store of Nettes and Corke, supposed to belong to the Duke of Medina Sidonia [Son of the Duke who commanded the Armada.], which shallopps would bee verie usefull for us to shipp our soldiers againe, and might in some sorte repaire our damage formerly sustained in the loss of our long boates. He added further how my Lord Leiutenant had directed that the next daie some of the boates belonging to our shipping should attend to fetch awaie these shallopps and bring them to Puntall for shipping the Soldiers: His Lo^p with the former 7. or 8. Regimentes of the Army intending to marche backe to the place where they remayned (drawen a shore and stowed in store houses) the better to secure and guard the fetching/ thence of them; and for the better speed and furtherance of the service, hee gave commande that our Barge & other boates of our ffleete should attend the next morning by tymes, readie manned to goe for these other boates of the enemye.

The next morning being Wednesdaie the 26^th of October, S^r Thomas Love with the Barge and boates belonging to our shipps and a competent nomber of other boates, went to fetche the shallopps from Hercules pillars; and 7 or 8 Regimentes of the Army marched alsoe to the place, the better to secure the bringing of them awaie.

This morning alsoe the Earle of Denbighe came againe abord the Admirall, ther to dispach such occasions of Sea-command as might be requisite,/ where observing the negligence of our hors-boates in not 68 goeing upp towardes Port Riall, hee sent a Command in wryteing under his hand to the Masters and owners of all vessells in the ffleete wherein horses were transported, requireing them upon paine of death forthwith to goe upp to the Swift-shewer, there to acquaint S^r Samuell Argall of their comeing and to performe his further directions in all things.

This afternoone there came a message from my Lo. Leiutenant, desireing the Earle of Denbigh to take order that all Captaines and pursers of shipps in the ffleete should bee att the ffort att Puntall att 3 of the clocke in the Afternoone, with all their boates, there to attend the Lord Leiutenant Generall and to receive his further/ direction; his Lo^pp (as it seemed) intending att his retourne from taking the shallopps to begin to shipp his Men; and upon conference with the pursers to understand the State of the victualls of every shipp, therby the better to ground a consultation for the further proceeding of the ffleete and Army.

My Lo. of Denbigh upon receipt of this message, tooke present order by a warrant signed, to publishe it through out the ffleete.

But his Lo^p being putt in mynd of the matter [of a] companie to bee raised for Captaine Osborne and the boates to attend better att Puntall, his Lo^p conceived that the late restraint of landing anie more Men and the purpose to shipp againe those that were landed, had made/ the former needles; and some boates being this day imployed to fetch the Shallopps and the rest assigned to attend of 3 of the Clocke according to a more speciall direction of my Lord Leiutenant, the latter alsoe was in effect discharged, soe that his Lo^pp forbare to doe anie thing more concerning either of them.

While the Earle of Denbigh remayned yet aborde the Admirall, a message came to him from the Vice Admirall's Squadron, that the Channell att Port-Riall was of it selfe soe narrowe and shallowe, and now become inaccessible through the enemyes shipps sunken in the passage upp, that they doubted of doing anie good by proceeding further into the attempt upon the enemyes shipps, 69 yet would not for their owne honor's sake desist nor fall of without new ordeer./ And therfore they desired that the place might be veiwed by some sea-Captaines of best Judgement not being of this Squadron, nor perticularlie assigned to this service, whoe in all likelyhood would be aptest to certifie most indifferentlie [impartially], how they found the occasion feasible or not, upon returne of whose certificate such further directions might bee given touching the same as should then appear most requisite.

The Earle of Denbigh holding this request reasonable and much to concerne his Ma^ties service, dispatched forthwith a Warrant signed, wherby hee desired S^r Thomas Love and S^r Michael Gayer to veiw the Channell att Port Riall the next morning att 9 of the Clocke, and thereupon to certifie their opinions whether they thought it fitt to proceed in the attempt for burning, takeing, or sinking the enemyes shipps there, or els to sinke some other shipps/ in that Channell for the blocking upp of the enemyes, or what other course was fittest to bee taken touching the same.

When it grew towardes three of the clocke, I would have gone to Puntall, there to attend such imployment as my Lord Leiutenant Generall might have for me att his meeting of Captaines and pursers; but I could not gett a boate, till the Earle of Denbigh as he was retourning downe to his owne shipp putt mee aboard the S^t George, and desired S^r Michael Gayer to send mee to Puntall in the barge belonging to that shipp.

After a while S^r Michael Gayer went with mee to Puntall, where I understood the meeting of Captaines and Pursers was putt off to 8 a Clocke the next morning, My Lord Leiutennt being not yet retourned from this daie's March, nor expected till it should bee late at night.

Here also wee found many Soldiers/ complaineing of sicknes and others of fayntness, affirming that they hadd not tasted any meat 70 nor drinke since Sunday. S^r Michael Gayer mediated soe farr on their behalfe, that hee gott a promise of Captaine Grove, one of the Commanders of Puntall, to take the most distressed for that night into the ffort, all men els seeming to neglect them.

This whole day was spent in fetching the shallops from Hercules pillars; yet of twelve we brought away but 8, burning the rest with all the provision of Nettes and Corke belonging to them.

Att the place where these shallops were, we found one of our Soldiers dead with his eares and nose cutt off.

These shallopps being gayned, my Lord Lieutenant placed an ambush of 300 muskettiers in some of the buildings thereaboutes, which were commodious enough for the purpose, with direction for them not to shoot at anie enemies that/ should come on till they were cleere within their distance and danger. And then returned with the maine bodie of the Armie towardes the Towne of Cadiz. As they were in their march of retrait, some horse of the enemies to the nomber of [blank], as neare as I could enquire out the certainty, shewed themselves before the place, where our Ambush lay, sending forth a small nomber of themselves, not above 8 or 10 horse, for discoverie, whoe approaching well neare within distance of our Ambush, they gave fire att them somewhat of the soonest before the[y] were come upp, wherby wee did them noe damage att all: however the Alarme thereof reached unto our troupes that were then about to eate and drincke some what for their refreshing, causing them suddenly and hastelie not without much disorder and confusion to marche or rather/ some of them to runn backe with apprehension of the danger; which yet when they came neare appeared to bee litle or none, for the enemye was retired.

The whole Armie was quartered this night a side of Puntall before the Towne, where my Lord Leiutenant in his owne person performed verie carefullie all the duties of a Generall.

It was verie foule & rainy weather almost all the tyme the Armie 71 was a shore; which, togeather with the noysome serene [mildew damp. See note on page 8.] falling every night, did not a little weaken and cast downe the poore Soldiers, lodginge open and being ill cloathed. And, though the ground were of a Sandy and drie nature, yet it was verie uneven and ill to goe upon, adding thereby verie much to the toyle & wearines of our men in three daies marche to and fro, with litle or noe respecte/ att all afforded unto them for their refreshing, Circumstances much conducing to make the more unserviceable.

Thursdaie the 27^th of October betymes in the morning, I went a shore to Puntall, where I found my Lord Leiutenant Generall with diverse of the Counsell of Warr formerlie assembled, about the dispatch of shipping of our [men], and quitting the ffort of Puntall.

ffor his Lo^pp tould me that hee hadd been over ruled by most voices in Councell. That we should not Man this ffort but only to take thence the enemyes ordinance; which were 8 brasse Culvering [culverin, ordnance so-called a cannon of about 5-1/2 inch bore, 9 to 12 feet long, carrying a ball of 18 lbs. It was a favourite sea-gun. From coluber, because it had a snake and dragon upon it forming its handle. (See Admiral Smyth's Sailors' Word-Book.)], and raze the structure as much as wee could, and soe leave it.

The reasons hereof I collected to bee thus. That being but a single ffort not fullie finished, in an enemies Countrie, it was not likely that wee/ could keepe it against them by force; nor of anie great importance being holden, sith we must come over with a strong Navie and excessive charge to releive a place that would not make us Commanders of anie territory att all, nor hinder the enemy in anie such sort but that hee should still have a sufficient parte of the Bay of Cadiz out of Command of this ffort, to serve for a harbour to his shipping in generall and more especiallie for the shipps belonging to Cadiz.

Before wee went in hand to shipp our men, two things were 72 necessary to bee done, the one touching the shipps att Port Riall, the other touching the ordinance at Puntall; for S^r Thomas Love and S^r Michael Gayer having taken noe view of the channell nor made any certificate/ concerning that affaire, S^r Samuell Argall refused to relinquishe that attempt till hee should have further order. Wherefore my Lord Leiutenant, being confident of the wisdom, valour, and integritie of S^r Samuell Argall, and willing to speed the landing of our men, sent him a warrant signed, that if S^r Samuell in his owne Judgement found difficultie in presenting [carrying out or prosecuting] the design, which he had in hand, he was now left at libertie to desist. And that there upon hee should take order for all such shipps of the Vice Admiral's Squadron as carried Soldiers, forthwith to repaire to Puntall, to shipp them againe, with as manie boats of their owne and others to further the service as possiblie hee could procure, upon which warrant S^r Samuell Argall made his retrait & caused that Squadron to attend for/ the shipping againe of their Souldiers. ffor the ordinance att Puntall his Lo^pp had sent three severall warrantes to the Captaines of the Ann Royall, the S^t George and the Convertive, commanding them forthwith to send 40 men a piece to Puntall, to take downe and shipp those ordinance. S^r Thomas Love from the Ann Royall forthwith sent his boatswaine M^r Rabnett with 40 men, whoe bestirred themselves soe well in the busines that within an houre or two, the ordinance were all dismounted and sixe of them convayed abord our ffleete, and the other two abord some of the Du[t]ch shipps, to whome my Lord Leiutenant adjudged them to belong by condiçons that were betwixt his Ma^tie and them touching the division of the pillage or spoyles to bee gotten this voyage.

And that the more expedition/ might be used in shipping the Soldiers, his Lo^pp appointed Captain Boteler to dispose of the boates of the ffleete for that service according to the directions of 73 his Lo^pp, giving him withall a speciall warrant under his Lo^p's hand to procure the better obedience to his Commandes.

When the enemies ordinance were agreed to bee taken downe, [it] was propounded to bring and plant there out of our shipps, two or three peices of old iron ordinance of small valewe, therewith the better to guard the retreat of such of our forces as should come off last. But then it was alledged that to leave anie of our ordinance behind us, though of never soe meane a value, would be dishonorable, and that our Muskettiers from the ffort and our great shott from some of our shipps where they rode att Anchor, might as aptlie secure our/ finall retrait as anie ordinance from the fforte, or els by planting some of our ffeild peices neare the fForte the worke might be as well affected. Soe the proposition of planting anie of our ordinance upon the ffort, finding noe further seconding, died away of it selfe.

And now most of the shipps being come upp close about Puntall, wee began to shipp our men apace, to which purpose the 8 shallopps which wee had gotten from the enemies, afforded us no meane assisttence.

There came to Puntall this daie above 62 pursers [The "Purser" was an officer in the Navy who took charge of the provisions, etc. He is now called "pay-master," though formerly he had little to do with the pay. In Elizabethan days there were "pursers" in other than vessels of the Royal Navy: and so it is still.] of shipps, the rest absenting themselves, and by the acknowledgement of such as were present, taken by Captaine Mason Commissarie generall of the Armie, Itt was found that 34 of them were victualled for full 4 moneths, twelve of them for 3 months 1/2, 8 of them for three moneths, and the rest for 2 moneths 1/2 in meate, but that there was some want of beare, water, & Candles amongst some few of them, which hee thought might be supplied by beverage to be made of wyne to be hadd out of the prizes which wee had taken, himselfe 74 offering to deliver Candles out of the store to such as were in most neede.

After dinner, my Lord commanding me noe further speciall service and nothing being now in hand but the execution of what was resolved touching the shipping of our men, I went abord againe, where I stayed till towardes the evening. By this tyme most of our forces were close by retired and shipped. When the Towne perceived our troupes to be drawen off [they] sallyed out in loose Companies without order, and soe skirmished/ with that part of our Armie which kept the ffeild to accomplishe the finall retrait, which were the Lord of Valencia and Colonell Whorwoodes Regimentes.

The wynd and tyde served now verie well for our shipps to gett out of the Bay, and it was feared if wee neglected this opportunitie, the enemy when wee should be gone aboard and noe ordinance of our[s] left in Puntall, might drawe some of theirs out of the Towne and plant them on the shore to beat us as wee rode at Anchor, which would endanger us verie farre, especiallie if the wynd should come contrarie. Wherfore by the allowance of S^r Thomas Love I and our Master went a shore to Puntall, there to move his Lo^p thatt our shipp (which was to take in noe Soldiers) might fall downe this tyde towardes the Puerios [See former note (p. 67) on Puente de Zuazo.] and there cast Anchor, leaving his Lo^pp to come after in another shipp. But my Lord was now absent from Puntall, rowing from shipp to shipp and giveing further order about the speedie reimbarking of our men, and more especiallie takeing care for the shipping our horses, for that it would bee a greate dishonour to leave anie of them behinde us. This worke belonged properlie to the charge of the Master of the ordinance but it seemed not to bee by him sett forward with such diligence as our present condition did require, which caused my Lo. Leiutenant himselfe thus extrordinarily to intend [superintend, as before.] it.

Though we hapned now to find my Lord Leiutenant att Puntall, 75 yet was our comeing thither usefull to another purpose, for att this tyme our Regimentes whoe for a while retrayted/ orderlie enough, being now at want of amunition or att least wise pretending soe to be, haveing blowen upp or wasted their powder, began att last to fall off some what too hastilie, the enemies following verie egerlie, and by the faire carrieng of their peices Itt was manifest that some of them were Harque-bush of Crocke.

S^r William S^t Leger observing the disadvantage of our men & conceiving that parte of [our] ffleete rode in place apt to releive them, willed us to give order to such of our shipps as rode most convenientlie for the purpose, that they should play upon the enemie with their greate shott.

Wee rowed to diverse of our shipps informing them what was to bee done and they instantlie applied themselves to accomplishe the directions/ given them; which made the enemy to staggar and intermitt now and then the pursuite of our retireing troopes. However att last they tooke the boldnes to followe us soe neare to Puntall that they killed one of our Men in the ffort with a small shott. But then wee discharged upon them some of our Drakes [small piece of ordnance so-named.] or field peices loaden with small shott; which slew some of them and soe farr discouraged all the rest that they never more shewed themselves against us, but suffered us to shipp the rest of our men at our pleasure. Soe wee gott them all abord this night except the garrison of the ffort, whoe held it this night under the Command of Colonell Burgh; ffor as hee was the first Colonell that landed soe had he the honor to come off the last./

Some of our horses were not shipped till the next morning and one or two of them being unserviceable were by us killed, least the enemy might take it their glorie to say wee hadd quitted their shore in such fear that wee hadd left our horses behind us for hast. There was in the Island of Cadiz, neare Puntall, a Magazin of Mastes and yardes for shipping, out of which some of our shipps 76 that hadd deffectes releived themselves, and the rest of the store was burned, cut in pieces, and destroyed by us.

This night the Towne of Cadiz shott of[f ] all the ordinance in the Towne and all their muskettes placed in a ring round about their walles, in a kind of triumphe & exultaçon at our retrait.

Howbeit wee quitted not the ffort of Puntall till the next daie, when/ our horses, feild peices, and all our other provisions were shipped.

But then wee sett sayle, falling downe towardes the mouth of the Bay, and came there againe to an Anchor, well neer within shott of the Towne of Cadiz.

As we passed downe, the Towne shott at us, especiallie att our Vice Admirall and att the Admirall of Holland, one of whose shipps being become unserviceable, was fired or sunken that shee might not remaine as a spoyle for the advantage of the enemye.

Being come to an Anchor, the fflagg was hung out for the Councell of Warr to come togeather; whoe were quicklie assembled, and proceeded thus./

The 29^th of October about 7 of the Clocke in the morning, diverse Captaines and Masters of shipps being come togeather, the winde blew verie fairlie to carie/ us forth to sea, according to the resolution taken yesterday in full Councell; wherof his Lo^pp (as hee had just cause) was verie loath to loose the advantage; onlie the matters yesterdaie referred to the resoluçon of this morning's Councell were some of them soe essentiall to bee first determined, that without the decideing therof our goeing generallie to Sea could not promise anie good success; for noe limittes wherein to lye off & on att sea nor Rendez-vous in case of seperation were yet agreed or assigned.

The Councell of Warr was slowe in assembling, in soe much that his Lo^pp thinking hee should loose too much of the faire wynde if hee staied any longer for their comeing togeather, did [decide] upon hearing of the advice of divers of the Captaines and M^rs whoe/ were now abord him, to take upp and publishe a present resolution to this purpose.

That the whole ffleete should forthwith sett sayle and plye [sail usually short trips to and fro] from the Bay of Cadiz to the Souther[n] Cape, standing of to the Westward 60 leagues from the land; where his Lo^pp purposed to spend as much tyme as might bee to looke for the plate ffleete and to keepe themselves as neare as they could in the Latitude of 37 degrees and a halfe and in the Latitude of 36 degrees and 36 & a halfe, for that his Lo^pp intended not to goe anie further to the Southward.

That if by strong westerlie wyndes they should bee forced to beare upp into the Straightes, the Rendez-vous should bee att Budgeroe [No such name occurs in the map, but in a chart on a large scale of the last century, a place called Burge is marked just outside Malaga to the west, as if it had a tower on a hill, which would therefore serve as a good sea-mark.] to the Westward of Malaga, where his Lo^pp intended all the ffleete should then meete and there water.

That if by strong Southerly wyndes they/ should bee forced to the Northward, then they should repaire to the Isles of Bayon in Galicia [The following rare book explains this: "A True Relation of a Brave English Stratagem, Practised lately upon a Sea-Towne in Galizia (one of the Kingdomes in Spaine), and most valiantly and successfully performed by an English Ship alone of 30 Tonne .... 1626 (4^o)." The islands of Bayon lie off the town: hard by is the "Bayona's hold" of Milton's Lycidas.], where in such case it was intended to meet and water.

With a perclose [Conclusion. The 'close' which is 'per' or through is a definite close or ending.] that what other instructions should bee thought fitting, they should receive the same as occasion should present, in the meane tyme chargeing all Commanders carefullie to observe these directions and to keepe companie with his Lo^pp and the ffleete, and to looke out to seize upon the Subiectes and goodes of the King of Spaine, or others our enemyes.

Touching the pointes whether there were a necessitie to water before wee putt to sea, and whether it might aptlie bee done att St. Mary Port, the latter was first spokn to; and it was now alleadged by divers M^rs that there are but two wells in S^t Mary Port, which will dispatch but two or three shipps in a day, wherby it would take too much precious time from our goeing to lye for the plate ffleete if our whole ffleete should heare [want] water.

Besides, it was evident, that noe water was now to bee hadd in this place without landing of forces; which alsoe would not onely spend tyme but extreamlie incumber us, in a kind wherof wee lately felt the trouble, and hadd in effect resolved to make noe more such landings.

ffor the unfitness therefore & difficultie to water here, it was thought best not to attempt it: And this opinion (for this tyme) prevented the dispute of the other question: Because if wee should not water att S^t Mary Port none other fitt place was propounded, soe as then of necessitie wee must to sea without first watering./

And touching the sicke, wounded, and unserviceable men, wee 80 were to carry them along with us in the way towardes Englande till wee came to the South-Cape of Spaine and we might betwixt this and that have manie oportunities to consult touching them; for whome it seemed noe course could bee soe proper as to send them into England; which might thus bee dispatched without loss of tyme, though it were not now resolved.

Soe wee instantlie wayed Anchor and sett saile, plieing for the Souther[n] Cape.

This forenoone 8 shipps were discovered plieing for the Barr of S^t Lucar [bar of San Lucar or Lucar de Barrameda, the port of Seville.]; for the chaseing and takeing wherof his Lo^pp gave instant order; which I thincke was attempted but in vaine, our shipps being foule and consequently ill Saylers, and the other shipps too farr/ out of distance when they were first discovered./

About 3 a clocke in the afternoone, the wynd fayling us, his Lo^pp thought fitt to make the best use of the tyme and by a Councell now to be holden to resolve and settle the pointes under proposition left unresolved yesternight and this morning: soe the fflagg was hung out and the Councell assembled.

While S^r ffrancis Steward was Rere Admirall of the ffleete before his discharge att Plymouth by reason/ of the leakness of his shipp the Lyon the Earle of Denbighe in the S^t Andrew was Vice Admirall to the Admirall's Squadron, carrying in the foretopp a redd flagg with a litle white, and S^t George's Crosse therein at the topp of the fflaggstaff. My Lord of Valencia in the Constant-Reformation was Vice-Admirall to the Vice-Admirall's Squadron, carrieing in the fore topp a blew flagg. And my Lo. Cromwell Vice-Admirall to the Rere-Admirall's Squadron carrieing in the fore topp a white flagg. But upon the discharge of S^r ffrancis Steward, The Rere-Admiral's place with the white fflag to be borne in the mayne topp was assigned by his Lo^pp to my Lord of Denbigh; and the fflagge and place of of Vice-Admirall to the Admirall's Squadron formerly belonging/ to my Lord of Denbigh and now voyd by his removeal and preferement was by his Lo^p's free choyce bestowed upon my Lord Delaware goeing in the S^t George; which fflagg & place he bore and exercised from our setting forth out of England till our remove from before Puntall. But now my Lord Cromwell alleaged that hee and my Lo. of Valencia, being Viscountes of Ireland, were in place before my Lord Delaware, being but a Baron, though of England. That in the instructions for this voyage they were ranked or named before my Lord Delaware. That by succession upon the preferrment of my Lord of Denbigh, his former place ought to devolve to the next in place; which as hee alleaged was my Lord of Valencia, my Lord of Valencia's/ former place to him and his to my Lord Delaware. And though my Lord of Valencia seemed to neglect his right yet my Lord Cromwell desired that hee might not suffer therein, but be preferred to bee Vice-Admirall to our Vice-Admirall's Squadron, with power to carrie the blew fflagg in the foretopp.

Upon this information and request, my Lord Leiutenant Generall 84 perusing his instructions and finding the Irishe Viscountes to bee there ranked before the Englishe Baron and considering with all not onelie how in England the Irishe Viscountes take place of Englishe Barrons but alsoe that wee were all now out of England where the Territory could give no priviledge to my Lord Delaware, He assigned the Red flagg to my Lord of Valencia,/ the blew to my Lord Cromwell, and the white to my Lo. Delaware. Whereupon my Lord of Valencia and my Lord Cromwell altered their flagges accordinglie. But my Lord Delaware, being advertized hereof by letter did not presentlie take downe his former flagg, insomuch as now hee and my Lo. of Valencia did both beare once and the same [one and the same] colours, in the same manner as if wee hadd two Vice Admiralls to the Admirall's Squadron. But withall my Lord Delaware both wrote and spoke to my Lo. Leiutenant Generall, desireing hee might continue the flagg and place hee was in possession of till his cause were heard and resolved by a Councell of Warr, alledging for himselfe these reasons./

Upon these allegations of the Lord Delaware, the Lord Leiutenant Gen. was contented things should stand as they were and that my Lord Delaware should beare his ould fflagg till the matter were decided by a Councell of Warr.

Other passages there are belonging to this question which fell out shortly after: however I thinck it will not bee amisse to rehearse them here all togeather for that the tyme concerning the same are not matteriall./

Att the next Councell of Warr towardes the rising of the Assemblie, the mattter was offered to their considerations. But then they instantlie rose, shewing an unwillingness to be troubled with determining a question which hadd growen alltogether out of my Lord Leiutenant Generall's actes and was in his owne power to 86 determine of himselfe without drawing them to express themselves on either side in a cause of personall contestation.

These three Lordes imbarked in this controversie, shewed no unkindness one to another in all the proceedings but rather conversed lovinglie togeather as if they more desired a true Judgement touching the right in generall then the victorie to any of themselves in perticular.

However my Lo. Leiutenant Generall, fearing the worst and considering/ what discord groweth often tymes amongst great Lordes about matter of honor and precedencie, to the disturbance of great actions, as alsoe bearing a good and equall affection to all the parties interessed in the question; out of these respectes and his natural ingenuitie [ingenuousness] (inclineable and studious to mentaine amity and concord) did applie himselfe to devise some way of reconciliation wherby all might receive satisfaction; to which purpose hee declared himselfe that hee intended the fflagg of S^t George to my Lo. Delaware at first but provisionably: and then it was noe disgrace for him to quitt it now according to the condiçon of the first donation, and that this would bee rather the expiration then the taking awaie/ of an office. But my Lo. Delaware protested that what ever my Lord Leiutenant Generall's private intençon might bee hee never heard of anie provisionall conferring of the fflagg upon him, nor would have accepted it upon such terms, hadd hee knowen it or but suspected the same.

Wherefore my Lo. Leiutenant Generall, in pursuite of his former good intention, was compelled to bethinke himselfe of some other meanes for effecting and perfecting the reconciliation intended.

It was verie inconvenient & strang[e] that both my Lo. of Valencia and my Lord Delaware should continue to beare the same fflagg after the same manner without difference; wherfore the more speed was to be used for bring[ing] the busines into order./

My Lord Delaware desired onelie that himselfe might not be disgraced by being putt out of a place which he had not deserved to loose. My Lord of Valencia had hitherto bin meerely passive in the busines My Lord Cromwell seemed without all question to be now in his right place, being Vice Admirall to the Vice Admirall; for if my Lord Delaware as a Baron of England ought to bee preferred before the Irish Vicountes in this Action, my Lord Cromwell as a puisne Baron of England ought to have the place next to my Lord Delaware before my Lo. of Valencia, whoe was only a Viscount of Ireland, but had noe Englishe honor att all. And if the Irishe Vicountes were to bee preferred then was my Lord Cromwell to bee next/ to my Lord Valencia as puisne Viscount of Ireland, my Lord Dela. having noe Irishe honor att all, neither did the Lord Cromwell (as I heare verie credible) disclayme now in his Engiishe title however the first motion by him of removeall or alteration touching these places was grounded upon the Irishe title.

To bring thinges back to the state they were before this late alteration would offend and discontent both my Lord of Valencia and my Lo. Cromwell; whoe both should bee thereby dispreferred without cause growen since their preferment.

In the end therefore my Lord Leiutenant Generall devised a waie which hee hoped might have reconciled all, which was That my Lo. of Valencia/ should carrie the redd flagg with the S^t George's Cross in the maine topp as a kind of extraordinary or cheif or cheife deputy or Vice Admirall to the Admirall or to his Squadron, soe to distinguish him from my Lo. Delaware with some preferment alsoe to my Lord of Valencia; and by warrant from my Lo. Leiutenant Generall my Lord of Valentia for a while wore his fflagge in the mayne toppe accordinglie. Howbeit within some few daies after, whether it were that the noveltie of this course which was applauded att first continued not to please, or that if the Lord Cromwelle's Irish Viscountshipp were a sufficient title for him to clayme the 88 next place to my Lord of Valencia hee might upon that ground seeke now to be removed from the place hee was in to the place which my Lord Delaware now had and soe ren [sic] upon worse termes the question soe much sought to bee extinguished; or for what other cause I knowe not, my Lord Leiutenant Generall wished my Lord of Valentia to weare his flagg no longer in the maine toppe; whoe declared his unwillingness, saieing it would bee a dispreferment undeserved from that which without suite hee hadd been putt in possession of by his Lo^pp's owne directions. To this my Lord Leiutenant Generall replied that what he did therein was but provisionallie; wherof nevertheles my Lord of Valencia denied knowledge and seemed to bee a litle discontented at their proceedings; howbeit hee/ acknowledged my Lord Leiutenant Generall's power and professed a readines to obay his Lo^p's commandes. And not long after both my Lord of Valencia and my Lord Delaware for reasons best known to themselves tooke downe their fflagges and the ffleete grew to bee separated soe as noe finall resolution was ever hadd of this question of Navall honor and right of preferment to such an office of Command in a ffleete at Sea.

Sundaie the 30^th of October we discovered 4 shipps to windeward of us, and coniectured them to bee Spanish shipps, but wee could fetch upp none of them, and this daie and night the weather was verie gustie and showrie of great raine.

The 31^th of October wee had a skant/ and bare wind inclineing to drive us from the Coast of barbarie or backe into the Straightes of Gibraltar.

The same daie by direction of my Lord Leiutenant Generall I tooke the examinations of ffrancis Gonsales, and Emanuell Muschade two of the Portugalls taken in the litle Carvill that came from Trecera, but they informed of nothing materiall, more then what was vulgarlie knowen unto us before; wherfore their examinations are not here inserted.

ffrom this ffirst of November to the 4^th of the same nothing memorable occurred.

Upon the 4^th of November, in the morning, wee discovered two shipps to bee shoreward of us, which our shipps that were next unto them could not well chase by reason it was a calme. But our Admirall manned out her Barge with Muskettiers under the charge of one of our Masters mates; whoe willinglie undertooke the Service of discovering what shipps they were and bringing certaine word with all speed possible.

The Calme continueing caused my Lord Leiutenant Generall for the better husbanding of tyme (which could not now be spent in sayling) to hang out the fflagges for a Councell; which being assembled proceeded thus./

It had beene proposed to the Councell of Warr that they should consider how to manne our 3 prizes and how to dispose of them; wherein nevertheless they had as yet done nothing. But my Lord Leiutenant Generall further perusing (as it should seeme) his instructions from the King's Ma^tie and from the Duke of Buckingham, observed therein that which gave him occasion this 4^th of November 1625 to direct a Warant to bee drawne/ in this manner, by the good use wherof the Councell of Warr might bee eased of this matter. The warrant was drawne as his L^pp directed and it was thus:

This warrant his Lo^pp caused to bee directed to 6 such Comittees or Comm^rs as hee thought best to nominate for this service, and it was not long after delivered to some of the same Comittees, but what they did therein I never heard.

Saturdaie morning the 5^th of November our Barge which wee hadd manned forth with Muskettiers the day before, upon discovery retourned, bringing word that they hadd been abord a floating shipp loaden with Sugar readie to sinck through the leakes;/ which as they thought were wilfullie cutt and made in her by some man of warr whoe had taken her as a prize and towed her a good while in veiwe of some of our ffleete but quitted when they could or durst towe her noe further. This night was a storme.

Sunday morning the 6^th of November, being foule and close weather, a Turkishe Man of Warr commanded by a Portugall Renegado fell in amongst our ffleete: ere [we knew] hee was neare, as it seemed; being shott att by us, hee presentlie came under our lee and submitted himselfe to our disposall. So we sent our Barge to command the cheife of them to come abord, which was performed; and amongst the rest an English Renegado whoe was/ one of their companie came abord us. This Turkishe Man of Warr had now with him two shipps which hee had taken, the one of Brasile shipp and goodes as prize, the other of Englishe, whereof was Ma^r a Scottish Man, dwelling at Dover; which shipp the Turke sayed hee had but seized upon to make her loading prize. The cheife amongst them and some others of them were examined by his Lo^pp, but the Portugall, a man of a fluent speech and subtile witt, protested himselfe soe seriouslie to be of Argeir [Algiers. Algiers is similarly spelled in "Diary of Walter Yonge, Esq. 1604-1628," published by the Camden Society (1 vol. 1848). See p. 41. So, too, in the following little known, but singularly interesting book by Francis Knight: "A Relation of Seven Yeares Slaverie under the Turkes of Argeire, suffered by an English Captive Merchant 1640.… (4^o).]" and not of Sally [Salee on the coast of Morocco.] nor of anie 102 other place enemy to us, and that hee laie there onely to take Spaniardes and Spanishe goodes, and noe waie to molest the Englishe; making his allegations soe probable by/ some circumstances wherein the rest and more especiallie the Dover Man agreed in substance with him, That his Lo^p onelie commanded him to attend our ffleete awhile for chase or discovery, his shipp being an extraordinary good Sayler; and soe dismissed him, without putting anie guard of ours into his shipp that might bee too strong for him and soe command his companie. The Brazile prize had spent his Mastes soe as before hee mett with us hee towed her, and now my Lord assigned some of our shipps to performe that service. The Dover man was loaden with timber and Iron, and other Spanishe goodes taken abord in Biskey and bound for Lisbon.

The Portugall renegade alleadged/ that hee would onelie make use of the vessel to carrie the goodes for Argier, paieing her full and due fraight for the same, and then leave her free to goe where shee would.

And the Master of the Dover shipp confessed that such was the Turkes sayeing unto him upon his first seising of him and ever since. Howbeit some amongst us suspected that the Turkes soe sayeing was onelie a tricke to make the Dover man yeild the more easelie unto him, and that when they should have once brought him to Argeir or anie other Turkish Porte, they would there both detayne the shipp and putt the men to ransom, or sell them for slaves. This suspition was increased by that which followed; ffor by the next/ morning this Turkish man of Warr was slipt awaie soe as wee never heard more of him.

Monday, the 7^th of November, we chase some of the shipps of our owne ffleete, thinking they had been enemies.

Tuesdaie, the 8^th of November, wee lay by the lee to accomodate and finishe all things touching our dispatch for England. And to that purpose hadd both our fflagges of Counsell out all daie; which drew manie of the Councell of Warr and divers Captaines and 103 Masters of shipps aborde us. However noe sitting in Councell was hadd, but the tyme spent by his Lo^pp in preparing manie things necessarie about the dispatch; but all was not finished this day./

Wednesdaie 9 November wee laie alsoe by the Lee and spent 9 Novemb. the tyme as yesterdaie in preparing the dispatch for England: onely the flaggs of Counsell were not now hung out. The finishing of the dispatch was somewhat hindred by the absence of some of our shipps upon a chase, and the dispersed and remote lieing of some others, wherby it was verie difficult for his Lo^pp to call out and come by those men and shipps which were intended to goe for England; insoemuch that att last the delay pressed him to a resolution to take the most convenient of such other shipps neare him as might be had.

This daie Certificate was made to his Lo^pp by such Commissioners as to that purpose hee hadd deputed, of the state of the Rainebowe and/ of the Dread-nought, whereby the former was certified to have a verie dangerous leak, and that shee was insufficient and unfitt to bee continued and hazarded any longer att Sea; but the latter was found and certified to bee staunch and serviceable.

Wee were now in the latitude of 37 degrees and his Lo^p's observations of the unskilfull or negligent proceedings of diverse of our ffleete since our comeing from Cadiz, togeather with his desire and care to explane and reinforce his former directions, dated 3 October, which some men seemed in parte not well to understand, gave occasion to his Lo^pp upon this day to deliver out to the Sea Captaines new papers of instructions under his hand: the/ tenor whereof was thus:

Thursday Morning the 10^th of Novemb, wee chaced for a while about 20 of our shipps: the rest of the day was spent in prosecuting the preparation of our dispatch for England.

Friday 11^o November, wee lay againe by the Lee keeping out both our flagges of Councell from morning till it was almost night.

Nevertheless, there came not abord us this daie above 3 or 4 of the Councell of Warr, and those not till late in the afternoone and long one after another. Soe as whatsoever/ was by his Lo^pp intended, there was noe Councell of Warr holden this daie. But diverse Sea-Captaines (not of the Councell of Warr) to the nomber of allmost 30 being found aborde us, My Lord Delaware made declaration and complaint to my Lord Leiutenant Generall of the sicknes in his shipp the S^t George, soe greatly increased on the Suddaine that unles some of his sicke men were taken from him and other healthie Sea-Men give him in their steades, his companie was so weake thay could not man nor conduct the shipp but must let her drive in the Sea.

The matter concerning a shipp of his Ma^ties of good burthen & great value, my Lo. Leiutenant Generall was verie sensible of it, 106 and soe carefull to applie a timelie remedie that hee forthwith assembled all the Sea/ Captaines now present, and causing a note of their names to bee taken, did strictlie require and command them to deliver with all speed possible by their owne boates abord the S^t George, two good and healthie Sea-men apeice, and to receive and accept out of the same two sicke men a peice in stead of them.

This evening my Lord Leiutenant had finished his dispatch and sent awaie 12 shipps, whoe now sett sayle for England, being consigned to the Port of Plymouth.

The 12 shipps were his Ma^tes shipp the Rainebowe, 3 of our horse shipps, 2 of our prizes (the third being missing) and 6 other shipps, not all of them the same which his Lo^pp desired, but the most convenient that could be had, while our ffleete grew every/ daie more dispersed then other.

Into these shipps were convayed diverse wounded, sicke, and unserviceable men, but not such a nomber nor the same men peradventure as should have been sent home upon a veiwe or mustar of them if the dispatch had been made a shore; for the difficult access of one shipp to another especiallie in varietie of weather makes it almost impossible (within anie reasonable tyme) exactlie to accomplishe a worke of this nature at Sea.

The 12 November wee laie att Hull in the morning according to the late new instructions, but the day brought forth nothing of note.

The 13 November wee gave chace to a shipp of our owne, in which kind of error wee hadd too often before/ bin unfortunate, to the loss of much tyme and often diversion of our course; an inconvenience which great ffleetes are much subject unto, albeit they use never soe much caution by signes or otherwise to prevent it.

Monday 14 November S^r William S^t Legar and Captaine Porter, Captaine of the Convertive, came abord us, and complayned of the Sicknes soe farr increased in their shipp that they wanted men to hoyse and take in their Sayles; whereby without a present course 107 for their releif the shipp must needes be lett drive att the mercy of the Sea and wynd. The complaint concerning a shipp of the King's which my Lord Leiutenant Generall held to bee of such importance/ that hee thought fitt to call a Councell of Warr to advise how to releive her. Soe the fflages were hung out and a warning peice shott of[f]; whereby a Councell was assembled, proceeding thus:

After the Councell of Warr ended, my Lord Leiutenant Generall caused a note to bee taken of the names of all Sea-Captaines now present whoe had not sent anie men to the releife of my Lord Delaware, and assigned some of them to deliver a man a peice more to S^r William/ S^t Leger, because those of the Catch appointed to bee sunke being but nyne in nomber were not sufficient, And others of them hee commanded to doe the like to other Sea Captaines now present and complaineing of their extremities.

This evening there were about 60 of our ffleete in veiwe of the Admirall, but the whole Du[t]ch Squadron with our Vice-Admirall and all or the most parte of his Squadron hadd been absent and out of veiwe ever since the 9^th of this moneth.

The 15 Novemb in the morning there were onlie about 20 of our shipps in veiwe; but the next daie towardes night there were about 60 of them againe in veiwe./

Thursday the 17^th of November the Earle of Essex with his whole Squadron or the greater parte of them, haveing been missing now a full weeke, came into us againe and hayled us, and with all gave notice that they were extreamelie distressed through the increasing sicknes amongst their men, himselfe in perticular, To whose shipp there belonged 250 Sea men, not haveing 2 or 3 and thirtie sound Men, namelie 16 to serve in one watch and 17 in another; which was much to soe small a number to attend and Man the Sayles of soe greate a vessell, especiallie in gusty and stormie weather, wherof we had of late felt more then enough and could not expect better, the winter drawing on now apace./

This Complaint of sicknes in the ffleete came now soe thicke and grew soe generall, that it seemed impossible the sound shold bee able to supplie the defective and suffize to man home all our ffleete if speedelie wee returned not into England or releived and refreshed our selves elswhere; the consideration whereof gave occasion to my Lord Leiutenant Generall even this afternoone, while the weather would permitt and that ffleete was happelie reunited (all but the Du[t]ch Squadron) to call a generall Councell for the handling and setling of this great busines, by the opinions of all, which so much concerned the hono^r of his Ma^tie and the safetie of his whole ffleete and Armie.

The fflagges were hung out and/ the Councell of Warre came speedelie abord the Admirall; where being assisted by manie other Captaines and Ma^rs of shipps they proceeded thus.

In the assemblie of this Councell, all the Sea and land officers were againe admonished and required forthwith to bring in their Listes and certificates according to the resolution and order of the 4^th of this moneth, which hetherto, as it seemed, hadd not been duely performed.

The 18^th of November was stormie, gusty, and raynie. Soe was the 19^th; upon which day M^r Wriotesley [Doubtless of the Southampton family. Shakespeare's Earl of Southampton and his eldest son both died in 1624, in the memorable wars of "the Low Countries."] our purser dyed, and by 114 our/ observation of the Sunn taken this daie att noone wee found our selves to bee in 40 degrees and 15 minutes.

From the 19^th to the 22^th of November it continued still gustie and stormy weather, with variable and ill windes, wherby our ffleete was much dispersed, onlie 20 or 30 sayle of them being now in veiwe. And by our observation of the Sunne this daie, wee found our selves beaten back into the latitude of 39 degrees and 27 minutes.

Hereupon my Lord Leitenant Generall takeing notice how by contrarie windes our voyage might bee soe much prolonged that our state of drincke might fayle us, unless some tymely course were used to prevent it, gave order and made declaration to the Companie of our shipp that from henceforth (till God should send us better winde and/ weather) a third part of the ordinary allowance of beare should be cutt of[f] from every messe and onelie two Canns a day allowed unto them, whereas formerlie they had three.

The 23^th of November we had a skant winde blowing soe hard & driveing us soe much to shoreward, that wee doubted greatlie of weathering the Cape. In the afternoone and at night it was a storme, wherein wee slipt our foretop sayle which we hadd bin forced to beare out to keepe us from driveing too much towardes the lee shore.

The 24^th and 25^th of November were alsoe verie gustie and stormy daies, but the next daie we hadd reasonable good wind and weather.

Sundaie the 27^th of November, a suddain gust broke our fore yard into foure peices, which putt us to noe litle trouble/ and hindrance; for the wynd now and for some daies following blew verie faire and a fresh gale for England, while we through this disaster could make but litle use of it; ffor our great shipp, not being able to beare either fore sayle or fore top sayle, would neither sayle speedelie nor steire orderlie, onlie for the present by the advice of Mr. Apsley our Master Carpenter (a well tempered ingenious, & industrious man), we tooke our mayne 115 missne [mizen. The mizen mast is the after-mast, the mizen yard is the lowest or chief yard (spar or timber on which the sail is set) of the mizen mast.] yard and sayle and fastned the same as well as we might, in place, to supplie our want of a fore sayle.

The next daie we went in hand to lift up our Missne mast (which was a worke of noe meane difficultie) intending according to the further direction of our Master Carpenter,/ to have it hewen and fitted for a new fore yard; for we had besides it a Rere or Bone venture missne, which would somewhat helpe our shipp to steire, and it was much better to want our mayne misne then our fore yard.

Upon veiwe of the peices of our broken fore yard, it appeared by an ould Cleft peircing quite through it about the midst of the Tree, that it was verie ould, rotten, and insufficient before our comeing out of England.

By Monday noone wee had gotten upp our misne Mast. By Tuesday noone it was wrought into a fore yard, and before night it was done on to the fore Mast and the Sayle putt to it, two breadth thereof being first taken out to make it fitt, for the misne was about two foot shorter/ then the ould fore yard.

We had noe sooner fitted our selves with our fore Sayles, but the winde skanted [lessened] verie much upon us, And as wee estimated wee could not loose less then the running of a whole degree by the occasion of spending our foreyard.

The next daie we had good wind and weather and found our selves to be in the Latitude of 46 degrees and 30 and odd minutes.

The first and second of December we had il windes and weather, and great complaint was now made for want of wood and Candles, as alsoe touching the disorderlie & excessive expence of beere, through the fraude of quarter masters Coopers, Swabbers [driers or cleaners of the decks after being washed. Hence 'swabs'—a sort of long mop of rope yarn, to clean or dry up the decks. Often now used by sailors in a reproachful sense. Formerly in the Royal Navy there was a petty officer, whose duty it was to see that the deck was clean, and he was called 'swabber' par excellence.], and the over bignes 116 of some Canns of allowance; which Complaintes our Captaine tooke into examination & sought to reforme./

The Surgeon of our shipp being now required to make a list of our sicke men, gave in the name of above 130. Besides we had formerly throwen diverse men over Borde and had now in our shipp manie other weake and unserviceable persons, not reckoned in the number of men absolutlie sicke.

The 3^d of December the winde came verie faire, but we lost a greate parte of the benefitt thereof in bearing less Sayle then we might to stay for one of our Catches, which we conceived to be in some distress by reason of her not comeing up to us, and it was thought unchristian to forsake her. Howbeit we were shortly informed by another Catch which we sent to hasten her upp, that shee was not in anie distress, but boare all/ the Sayle and made all the hast she could, whereby it was concluded by some that in a strong and faire wind a Catch cannot keep companie with a greate shipp if the shipp beare out all her Sayles (an observation verie considerable if it be true), for albeit Catches being short and round built bee verie apt to turne up and downe and usefull to goe to and fro, and to carry messages between shipp and shipp almost with anie wind in faire weather and to sound a shore or Creeke upon occasion, yet if they can harnlie live in a growen storme hapening with adverse windes, and be not able to keepe companie with the greatest shipps when the winde bloweth strong and faire, then are they/ not fitt to be imployed amongst such a ffleete as ours, partlie for that they are soe apt to miscarry in stormes and partlie for that they must in the best windes be forsaken by the ffleete, or the ffleete lose a great parte of the benefitt of such windes by staying for them, as our shipp the Admirall did now by staieing for this Catch; which would be to anie ffleete and att this tyme was unto us, noe small inconvenience.

Sundai night, the 4^th of December, was a strange kind of tempest: noe winde at all stirring, yet did the Sea worke and goe soe high 117 that our shipp did rolle more and fetch deeper and more dangerous Seeles [lurching, or sudden heeling over and quick return] then in the greatest storme wee mett with all this Voyage./

The next daie [we] were in the latitude of 40 degrees and a halfe, and estimated our selves for longitude to be between 20 and 30 leagues off from the Coast of ffrance, The night was stormie and gustie, causing some of our shroudes to breake, which formerly were insufficient. But soe good industrie was used that the defect was speedely and soone amended.

The 8 of December wee mett a distressed Barke of Plymoth, but she could give us noe information for our instruction.

The same evening wee sawe 6 or 7 shipps farr off a head of us, which by the fflagg of one of them wee tooke to bee some of our ffleete.

Wee were gladd to see them, hopeing/ the next morning to fetch them upp, for haveing every daie lost more and more of our ffleete since the 17^th of the last moneth, when wee resolved to stand directlie for England, wee had but 2 or 3 shipps and 2 Catches of all the ffleete now left to attend the Admirall.

By our sounding this daie, wee were in 48 fadom with such gravell as is usuallie found about the gulfe, and some thought wee were neare the shore; however we could not before night discover anie land; and therfore wee tacked about againe and stood off to Sea till 4 of the Clocke the next morning, and then retourned to our former tacke, giving notice/ therof by a peice shott off.

The shipps which wee sawe last evening were not this morning to bee seen, wherby it seemed they tooke not themselves to be soe neare the shore nor did therfore tack about nor stand off to Sea as wee did.

This daie wee fell againe to coniecture by our Soundings where wee should bee for longitude. But wee were in diverse opinions; 118 some thincking we were shott farr into our owne channell, and others that wee were yet much to the west of Silly, soe as between our care not to fall fowle upon our owne shore in the Darke, and our feare of loosing tyme and opportunitie by standing soe much off to Seaward in the nightes that wee could hardly fetch it upp againe in the dayes,/ wee remayned a while in some doubt what course was best for us to take.

But about 4 of the clocke in the afternoone, we descried a small French barke and by a message sent unto her by one of our Catches, caused her to come to us; of whom inquiring whereaboutes shee tooke us and her selfe to bee, shee tould us shee had even now seen the Islandes of Silly and thought they were still within ken from our topp mast head.

Upon this information wee sent up some to looke out, whoe were not gone halfe Mast high, but they plainlie discovered the Islandes of Sylly to be 3 or 4 leagues off, and bearing towardes the East of us.

This gave us assured knowledge where wee were and settled all our/ doubtes, but the winde was nowe att East South-East; with which it was impossible to gett either Silly or anie other parte of England. Wherfore, the night comeing on, we easelie resolved to tacke about and stand off to Sea to avoyd the danger of the shore, and in hope of a larger winde. This tacke we held all night, but the wind continued still where it was and blew verie strong, soe as although our shipp Caped South, yet was shee driven much to the Westward. This night 3 of our men dyed.

The next morning a proposition was made by our Master and his Mates to stand for Corke or Kinsale in Ireland.

Their reasons were these—That England could not bee gayned with this winde. That above 130 of our/ men were found sicke & unserviceable above a weeke since, and the nomber was now soe farr increased that wee were hardlie able to mann our Sayles and pump: for the weather was uncertaine and gustie and our shipp 119 growen verie leak, soe as wee were driven to pumpe twice a watch, with verie short intermissions of rest. That if wee kepte the Sea awhile longer with this winde, we should be driven soe farr to the west, that wee should be able to gett neither England, Ireland, nor ffrance but perishe through our leakes, wanting men to plie our pumpes. That a faire winde to carrie us into England was as likelie to befall us goeing for Ireland as standing off to sea; and if any such change hapned in our passage,/ wee might att anie tyme stand about and take the benefitt thereof, otherwise Ireland was a good Countrie of his Ma^tie's, affording safe harbour for our shipping till god should send us a good wynd for England; and where in the meane tyme wee might refresh our sicke men a shore with fresh victuall att a cheape rate, renew store of ffresh water, have our shipp searched and our leakes stopped, and peradventure alsoe gett some supplie for our want of Seamen. Against this proposition some light objections were made to this effect, that wee looked yesterdaie upon Silley, a parcell of the kingdome of England, and it would argue litle courage in us if wee kept not the Sea more then one night after, in hope of a faire winde, before wee sett Sayle for another shore. That/ questionles manie of our shipps have allreadie gotten England and it will cause some ill rumours to the disgrace of our Judgementes if wee with the same windes shall not bee able to doe the like. That wee want a long boate wherewith to moare our Anchors, and that our goeing into anie harbo^r would surelie occasion a greate expence of tyme, to the delaie of our returne into England. Herunto was answered that if wee stood off to Sea with this winde till wee could reach noe land att all and then perished, Itt would be a rashnes and noe true courage that carried into such a mischeife. That safetie was to bee preferred before rumo^re. That if any shipps be allreadie gone home they have the more offended in foresaking their Admirall; for they were to wayte upon us, not we on them. That wee mett with a perticular disaster of/ breaking our fore yard, whereby wee lost more then the running of a degree, 120 which maie justlie excuse us, though wee have not gotten England with the same windes that others have. That our other boates with the helpe of our Catches or such fisher boates as wee shall be sure to find in Ireland, will serve us verie well for the moaring of our Anchors. And that if it were necessarie to staie long in harbour for supplie of defectes then such staie was not to be blamed; if otherwise by good order & direction it might bee prevented, and our dispatch out of harbour sufficientlie speeded.

My Lord Leiutenant Generall being informed of the substance of this proposition and reasoning, did in his Judgement soone resolve and give order that wee shold stand directlie for Kinsale in Ireland, and about 9 a clocke in the morning wee sett sayle accordinglie.

We had not now in our companie/ above 2 or 3 shipps and two Catches of all our ffleete, haveing [lost] every daie more and more since the 9^th of the last moneth; and the whole Squadron of the Du[t]ch had bin absent from us ever since that day. But whether to impute this great seperation of our ffleete (whoe should wayte on their Admirall) to the carelesnes or wilfulnes of the Captaines, Masters and other officers in shipps or to the causualtie of Sea-service or badnes of the weather, which was for the most parte stormie ever since the ii^th of the last moneth, when we sent awaie the 12 shipps for England, or what other cause to ascribe it to, I know not.

Sunday the 11^th of December about noone wee came into the Harbour of Kinsale, not haveing Sea men enough in health for the fitting of our shipp/ to come to an Anchor without assistance of the gentlemen voluntiers and their servantes, who all wrought with their owne handes for the better accomodating of the busines.

Being come to an Anchor, we searcht our shipp and found her to have now sixe foot water in hold, whereby wee concluded that if wee had kept the sea but a daie or two longer wee must needes have perished.

Here we understood that some of the King's shipps and manie 121 others of our ffleete were latelie putt into severall harbours of this kingdome, and others came in shortlie after, distressed for the most part, as wee were, with sicknes amongst their men.

The Lord President of Munster [We learn incidentally from Walter Yonge's "Diary" (Camden Society) that he was Sir Edward Villers [or Villiers], p. (95). He was half-brother of the Duke of Buckingham.] and the Earle of Corke, haveing notice of my Lord Leiutenant Generall's arrivall/ att Kinsale, came speedelie unto him and with much dilligence assisted his Lo^pp to provide for the releife and refreshing of our sicke men.

Itt was like to be long ere our shipp could be made fitt to putt to Sea againe and manie windes for England might bee lost in the meane tyme.

Hereupon it came aptlie into consideration whether my Lord Leiutenant Generall were best to staie in Ireland till this shipp might be made readie for him or els to take some other good shipp or barke, and therein seeke the speediest passage that might be had, leaving his owne shipp in the charge of her Captaine and M^r to be brought home with the first opportunitie of winde and weather after her defectes should bee supplied.

But his Lo^ps care and desire to shunne the imputation and dishonor of abandoning his Ma^tie's shipp in her distress, seemed to prevayle soe farr above anie reasons presented to him to the contrarie, that hee resolved onelie to send a dispatch for England and not to goe himselfe, till his owne shipp were readie for him.

Soe, leaving S^r Thomas Loue att Kinsale to see her new trimmed and to gett her defectes supplied, his Lo^p went to Youghall there to remaine with my Lord President till hee should heare from S^r Thomas Love that all things were readie, which it was conceived could hardlie bee till after Christmas./

In the meane tyme his Lo^pp sent a dispatch for England by M^r ffrancis Carewe from Youghall, and I with his Lo^pp's leave upon Christmas eve went to Lismore to the Earle of Corke's, ii myles 122 from Youghall, purposeing to staie there but three or foure daies att the most, and then to retourne and wayte upon his Lo^pp. But I was prevented by a long and dangerous sicknes which alsoe is the cause that I can give noe further accompt of this voyage.

A list of the names of the cheife Commanders, Captaines, Leiutenantes and Antientes of his Ma^ties Armie imployed this voyage:

A LIST TOUCHING THE SHIPPS IMPLOYED IN THIS VOYAGE CONTAINING THEIR SEVERAL NAMES WITH SOME OTHER PARTICULARS:—

	Shipps.	Commanders.	Tonnes.	Seamen.	Landmen.
King's Shipps	Ann Royall	Lord Marshall S^r Tho. Love, Kn^t	1000	400
	S^t George	Lord Delaware S^r Michael Gayre, Kn^t	895	250
	Convertive	S^r W^m S^t Leger Captaine Porter	500	200
	Assurance	Capt. Osborne	373	69	198
	Prudence	Capt. Vaughan	350	64	181
	Anne	Capt. Wollaston	245	40	150
	Royall Defence	Capt. Ellys	304	57	160
	Lesser Saphire	Capt. Bond	303	56	158
	Assurance of Dover	Capt. Barsey	300	58	159
	Jonathan	Capt. Boteler	371	69	197
	Amitie	Capt. Malyn	203	32	131
	Jacob	Capt. Gosse	218	34	134
	Anthonie	Capt. Blaque	240	40	150
	Hermyt	Capt. Turner	203	32	131
	Hopewell of New Castell	Capt. ——	179	30	116
	Abraham	Capt. Downes	235	36	134
	Barbara Constant	Capt. Hatch	351	64	197
	Camelyon	Capt. Seamour	213	34	132
	Sea Venture	Capt. Knivett	216	35	133
	William	Capt. White	225	37	138
	Retorne	Capt. Bonithon	212	34	132
	Hellen	Capt. Mason	200	37	142
	Talbott	Capt. Burden	260	47	135/
	Great Saphire	Capt. Baymond	420	73	220
	Golden Cock	Capt. Beamont	250	45	151
	Globe	Capt. Stoakes	290	56	160
	George	Capt. Stevens	298	56	200
	Mary Magdalen	Capt. Cooper	257	40	150
	Anne Speedewell	Capt. Polkenhorne	192	32	130
Provision Shipp	Amitie of Hull	Capt. ffrisby	260	30

	Shipps.	Commanders.	Tonnes.	Seamen.	Landmen.
King's shipps	Swift-sure	Earl of Essex S^r Sam. Argall, kn^t	876	250
	Reformation	Lo. Viscount Valencia Capt. Gilbert	750	250
	Rainebowe	S^r John Chudley, kn^t	650	250
	Zouch Phenix	Capt. Philpott	319	60	169
	Martha	Capt. Barber	278	50	142/
	Sea fflower	Capt. Sidenham	200	38	142
	Mary Anne	Capt. Harman	208	33	131
	Carnation	Capt. Walsingham	209	33	131
	Robert	Capt. Gurling.	244	37	138
	True Love	S^r Jo. Hamden, kn^t	242	40	150
	ffreindshipp	Capt. John Harvey	311	57	164
	Mary Constant	Capt. Mervin Burley	276	50	140
	Tyger	Capt. Welden	240	40	150
	Retorne	Capt. Hagthorp	216	34	133
	Mary Magdalen	Capt. Whiddon	242	40	148
	Timothy	Capt. Pawlett	200	32	132
	Venture	Capt. Mohun	218	34	134
	Royal Exchange	Capt. Edw. Harvy	453	83	236
	Esperance	Capt. W^m Reskymer	212	34	132
	Patient Adventure	Capt. Bargrave	221	36	135
	Amitie	Capt. Skipwith	232	38	140
	Barking	Capt. ffitton	177	30	116
	Lyon of Ipswich	Capt. Ruckwood	168	30	112
	Samuell	Capt. Walters	239	38	140
Munition Ships	Peter Bonaventure	Capt. Johnson	213	39
	Sara Bonaventure	Capt. Carew	200	38
	Christian	Capt. Wharey	167	37
Horse shipps	Chesnutt		300	20
Horse shipps	ffortune		400	20
Catches	Will^m & John	Tho. Tentes, M^r
Catches	George Will^m	W^m Sueddall, M^r

Shipps	29
Catches	2
Tonnes	8652.
Sea-men	1771.
Landmen	3015.

	Shipps.	Commanders.	Tonnes.	Seamen.	Landmen.
Kings shipps	S^t Andrewe	Earl of Denbigh S^rJohn Wattes	895	250
	Bonaventure	Lo. Cromwell Capt. Collins	674	200
	Dreadnough	S^r Beverley Newcome	458	160
	Abigail	Capt. Povie	309	58	163
	Tryall	Capt. Stradling	200	33	131/
	Jane Bonaventure	Capt. Rous	182	31	122
	Supplie	Capt. Duppa	183	31	112
	Matthew	Capt. Jo. Reskymer	222	36	135
	Convert	Capt. Barna. Burley	240	36	146
	Centaure	Capt. Jones	189	31	127
	Dragon	Capt. Oxenbridge	453	83	304
	Hopewell	Capt. Marbery	240	40	150
	Adventure	Capt. Browne	206	33	121
	Susan	Capt. Sacheverill	245	40	150
	Rose	Capt. Powell	250	40	150
	W^m & Thomasin	Capt. Plumleigh	188	32	130
	Samuell	Capt. Cheeke	371	69	197
	Alyan	Capt. Hake	266	50	141
	Blessing	Capt. Kettelby	210	39	142
	Confidence	Capt. Dunne	213	34	132
	Desire	Capt. Morgan	233	34	132
	Isaacke	Capt. Peywell	207	33	133
	Lion	Capt. Squibbe	210	33	131
Munition shipps	Susan & Hellen	Capt. Levitt	253	40
	William of London	Capt. Amadas	198	37
	Hope	S^r Tho. Pigott	277	40/
Horse shipps	ffoxe
Horse shipps	Truelove
Catches	Prosperous	Roger Barton, M^r
Catches	Isaackson	Austin Carpenter, M^r

Shipps	28
Catches	2
Tonnes	8242
Sea-men	1583
Landmen	3949

THE VOYAGE TO CADIZ

IN 1625.

A JOURNAL

WRITTEN BY JOHN GLANVILLE

THE REV. ALEXANDER B. GROSART,

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY

FOR THE YEAR 1882-3.

INTRODUCTION.

IOVRNALL,

RELATION OF

POSTSCRIPT.

SIR EDWARD CECYLL TO SIR J. COKE.

[HOLOGRAPH.]

SIR E. CECYLL TO SIR JOHN COKE.

[AUTOGRAPH SIGNATURE.]